home work needed in 3 hours

Need today, in 3 hours The homework is 350 words, about how sports positively affect children. i have my thesis statement done so you can work off of that. there is a template that i will upload: here is the premise. i have included articles 

• Fill out the title page of the template.
• Write your thesis statement at the top of the second page in the template. Remember that the thesis statement presents the main ideas that will be discussed in the body paragraphs.
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  Each paragraph should begin with a topic sentence, include another 5 to 8 supporting sentences with details, and end with a concluding sentence that leads the reader to the next main idea and paragraph.
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You do not need to include the introduction and conclusion paragraphs this week, as you will be working on those next week.

1

Madonna Robinson

ENG/100

February 2018

Korijna Valenti

Thesis Statement: Sports play a vital role in developing positive behavior and social skills in children.

Boosting Self Esteem

One way sports can influence positive behavior in children is by boosting their self-esteem. Self-esteem is developed early in childhood and children who play sports have

Building Character

Create emotional Balance

Sports rather on a team or individually can stabilize emotions and instill emotional balance in children.
References

lable at ScienceDirect

Psychology of Sport and Exercise 10 (2009) 381–389

Contents lists avai

Psychology of Sport and Exercise

j o u r n a l h o m e p a g e : w w w . e l s e v i e r . c o m / l o c a t e / p s y c h s p o r t

The link between children’s sport participation and self-esteem: Exploring
the mediating role of sport self-conceptq

Carly B. Slutzky*, Sandra D. Simpkins
School of Social and Family Dynamics, Arizona State University, PO Box 873701, Tempe, AZ 85287-3701, USA

a r t i c l e i n f o

Article history:
Received 2 July 2007
Received in revised form
13 September 2008
Accepted 29 September 2008
Available online 14 October 2008

Keywords:
Sport participation
Self-esteem
Sport self-concept
Elementary school-aged children

q The CAB study was supported by Grant HD17553 f
Child Health and Human Development to Jacquelynne
Blumenfeld, and Rena Harold. We would like to th
students, and parents of the cooperating school distr
this project. We would also like to thank the following
CAB project: Amy Arbreton, Phyllis Blumenfeld, Carol F
Janis Jacobs, Toby Jayaratne, Mina Vida, Allan Wigfiel

* Corresponding author. Tel.: þ1 480 965 6978; fax
E-mail address: Carly.Slutzky@asu.edu (C.B. Slutzk

1469-0292/$ – see front matter � 2008 Elsevier Ltd.
doi:10.1016/j.psychsport.2008.09.006

a b s t r a c t

Background and Purpose: Sport participation is positively associated with indices of adjustment, such as
self-esteem, among adolescent participants. Less is known about the processes through which younger
children benefit from their sport participation. The purpose of this investigation was to test whether
children’s sport self-concept mediated the longitudinal associations between time spent in individual-
and team-oriented organized sport activities and later self-esteem.

Methods: We used four waves of data from the Childhood and Beyond Study collected from three cohorts
of elementary school-aged children (N ¼ 987), their parents, and their teachers.
Results: Findings indicated that children who spent more time in team sports, but not time in individual
sports, reported higher sport self-concept, which, in turn, was associated with higher self-esteem than
their peers. Multi-group analyses suggested that these relations did not vary across gender, sport ability,
sport importance beliefs, or peer acceptance.

Conclusions: Study results suggested that the relations between time spent in sports and children’s sport
self-concept depends, in part, on whether the time was spent in team or individual sports. This inves-
tigation highlighted the value of examining mediating processes so as to better explicate the association
between time in sports and self-esteem.

� 2008 Elsevier Ltd.

All rights reserved.

An estimated 40 million boys and girls in the U.S. participate in
organized sport activities each year (Ewing & Seefeldt, 2002).
Researchers posit that the sports domain is an important devel-
opmental context because it promotes positive adjustment by
providing opportunities to learn emotion regulation, hone inter-
personal and athletic skills, and build peer relationships and
nonacademic competencies (Larson, 2000; Mahoney, Larson,
Eccles, & Lord, 2005; Smith, 2003; Smith & Smoll, 2002). Although
recent investigations suggest that sport participation among
elementary school-aged children is associated with later positive
adjustment, such as heightened self-esteem (e.g., McHale et al.,
2005; Simpkins, Fredricks, Davis-Kean, & Eccles, 2006), the
majority of research on the outcomes associated with sport

rom the National Institute for
Eccles, Allan Wigfield, Phyllis
ank the principals, teachers,
icts for their participation in
people for their work on the
reedman-Doan, Rena Harold,

d, and Kwang Suk Yoon.
:þ1 480 965 6779.
y).

All rights reserved.

participation has focused on adolescents (e.g., Gore, Farrell, &
Gordon, 2001; Marsh & Kleitman, 2002).

Several developmental theories point to the importance of sport
participation for children’s self-esteem during the middle-to-late
childhood period. Erikson (1963) theorized that children during
this period of development are in the industry and inferiority stage.
During this stage, building competencies is the central psycholog-
ical crisis. Indeed, more recent theories on the development of self-
esteem also suggest that this period is marked by tremendous
change in children’s competencies, as well as, their ability to
evaluate their competencies (Harter, 1993, 1999). These theories
suggest that time in activities that build children’s competencies
may be particularly critical in shaping development given child-
ren’s heightened focus on their competencies during this period
(Mahoney et al., 2005). Time spent in sport activities affords chil-
dren opportunities to build sport competencies and, in turn, their
self-concept of their abilities (Fox, 2000; Sonstroem, 1997). Theo-
ries suggest that time in sports has implications beyond children’s
sport self-concept to include children’s overall self-esteem (Eccles,
1993; Harter, 1993). Therefore, the goal of this investigation was to
examine the relations between time spent in organized sport
activities, sport self-concept, and self-esteem during elementary
school.

mailto:Carly.Slutzky@asu.edu

www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/14690292

http://www.elsevier.com/locate/psychsport

C.B. Slutzky, S.D. Simpkins / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 10 (2009) 381–389382

Sport participation and self-esteem

Sport participants report higher self-esteem than their non-
participating counterparts (Fletcher, Nickerson, & Wright, 2003;
McHale et al., 2005; Simpkins et al., 2006). However, theory on
the nature of self-esteem suggests that this link between sport
participation and self-esteem may be mediated by children’s
sport self-concept. Researchers have theorized that self-esteem is
multidimensional and hierarchical in nature, such that children’s
self-esteem is built on their self-concepts in academic and nonac-
ademic areas (Harter, 1993; Marsh, Craven, & Martin, 2006).
Furthermore, children’s broad academic and nonacademic self-
concepts further divide into children’s self-concepts in more
specific areas. For example, children’s nonacademic self-concept is
based on their physical, social, and emotional self-concepts (Marsh,
1990; Marsh & Hattie, 1996; Shavelson, Hubner, & Stanton, 1976).

The Exercise and Self-Esteem model (EXSEM) suggests that
people’s physical self-concept is a key mechanism through which
individuals’ time spent in sports is associated with their self-
esteem (Sonstroem, 1997; Sonstroem, Harlow, & Josephs, 1994). In
line with the skill development hypothesis, researchers have found
that adults’ and adolescents’ perceived competence in sports is
related to increases in self-esteem (Marsh, 1986; Sonstroem, 1998).
For example, sport participants’ perceived physical competence
and physical self-worth predicted heightened self-esteem (Bowker,
2006; Richman & Shaffer, 2000). Children’s sport self-concept, or
perceived sport ability, is a component of physical self-concept
and thought to be a key correlate of children’s self-esteem (Fox &
Corbin, 1989; Harter, 1999; Sonstroem, 1998). In sum, theory
suggests that time in sports is associated with children’s self-
esteem through their sport self-concept (Fox, 2000; Sonstroem,
1997). Therefore, we hypothesized that sport participation would
be positively associated with self-esteem via sport self-concept.

Research to date has supported portions of this model among
children. Sport participation positively predicts children’s sport
self-concept (Donaldson & Ronan, 2006; Roberts, Kleiber, & Duda,
1981; Simpkins et al., 2006). In addition, children with higher sport
self-concepts also have higher self-esteem than children with lower
sport self-concepts (Harter, 1993, 2006). However, researchers have
not tested whether sport self-concept mediates the longitudinal
link between sport participation and self-esteem among school-
aged children.

Type of sport activity

An important second goal of this study was to examine team
and individual organized sport activities separately. Preliminary
evidence suggests that team-oriented sports, as opposed to indi-
vidually-oriented sports, provide experiences more closely linked
with positive indices of adolescent adjustment, such as a higher
sense of initiative and life satisfaction (Hansen, 2006; Vihjalmsson
& Thorlindsson, 1992). Team and individual sport activities may
have different implications for children’s sport self-concept as
these types of activities often vary in terms of feedback and
comparison among peers (Horn & Hasbrook, 1987; Horn & Weiss,
1991; Roberts & Treasure, 1992).

Time spent in individual sport activities may afford participants
clearer information regarding ability and standards for perfor-
mance given the salience of individual performance in sports
outcomes (Zaccaro, Peterson, & Walker, 1987). Further, individual
sport participants may be more likely to attribute performance
outcomes to their abilities rather than to the abilities of their
teammates. This clarity in individual sports suggests stronger
relations between time in sports and children’s sport self-concept
for individual sports in comparison to team sports. On the contrary,
empirical research suggests that time spent in team sports rather

than individual sports predicted sport self-concept in adolescence
(Jacobs, Vernon, & Eccles, 2005; Pedersen & Seidman, 2004). In
sum, theory suggests that time in individual sports should predict
later sport self-concepts; whereas, previous empirical research
shows that time in team sports predicts subsequent sport self-
concepts. We expected time in both types of activities to be posi-
tively related to sport self-concept, and in turn, self-esteem. Limited
extant evidence hinders prediction of differential relations
between team and individual sport participation. Thus, this study
aims to demonstrate whether each type of sport activity is tied to
sport self-concept and self-esteem.

Moderating factors

Guided by motivational theory, the present study also examined
if the relations between time spent in sports, sport self-concept,
and self-esteem varied across several key indicators (Eccles, 1993).
First, a sport is a gender-stereotyped domain. Boys often participate
more frequently in sports and report higher sport self-concepts, as
well as, stronger beliefs about the value of sports than do girls (e.g.,
Eccles & Harold, 1991; Jacobs, Lanza, Osgood, Eccles, & Wigfield,
2002; Marsh, Gerlach, Trautwein, Ludtke, & Brettschneider, 2007).
If boys highly value sports and sports are closely tied to boys’ self-
esteem (Harter, 1993), it is likely that the relations will be stronger
for boys than girls.

Theories on motivation and self-esteem also suggest that an
individual’s continued engagement in an activity in which she or he
performs poorly can lead to lower sport self-concept and adjust-
ment (Eccles, 1993; Harter, 1993). In other words, although time in
sports is generally related to higher sport self-concepts, time in
sports should predict lower sport self-concept if children have low
ability in sports. We hypothesized that time in sports would predict
higher sport self-concepts and self-esteem among children with
high sport abilities, but predict lower self-concepts and self-esteem
among children with low sport abilities.

Time in sport activities is also likely to have a larger impact on
participants’ overall self-esteem if they value sports (Harter, 1993).
Research has shown that sport self-concept was more strongly
associated with self-esteem among children who valued sports
than among children who did not value sports (Rodriguez, Wig-
field, & Eccles, 2003). We expected a stronger link between sport
participation, sport self-concept, and self-esteem among children
who reported they highly valued sports than among children who
did not highly value sports.

Finally, this study explored peer acceptance as a fourth moder-
ator. Sport participation could be particularly advantageous for
children who have low peer acceptance because peers highly value
sport ability and the sport context has the potential to address both
peer relationships and individual aspects of development (Smith,
2003; Weiss & Duncan, 1992). Importantly, participation in extra-
curricular group activities, such as sports (Sandstrom & Coie, 1999),
as well as, participation in physical education interventions tar-
geting athletic skills (Marlowe, 1980) is associated with improved
adjustment among low socially-accepted children. Thus, we
hypothesized that the relations between sport participation, sport
self-concept, and self-esteem would be stronger for children with
low, rather than high, social acceptance.

Study hypotheses

The primary aim of this investigation was to examine whether
sport self-concept mediated the relations between time spent in
sport activities and subsequent self-esteem. Specific study
hypotheses were as follows: We hypothesized that time spent in
both team and individual sports would positively predict sport self-
concept one year later. In turn, we expected sport self-concept to be

C.B. Slutzky, S.D. Simpkins / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 10 (2009) 381–389 383

positively associated with self-esteem. We hypothesized that the
associations between sport participation, sport self-concept, and
self-esteem would be stronger among boys, children with high
sport importance beliefs, children rated high in sport ability, and
children with low peer acceptance than their peers.

Method

Participants

Data for this investigation were collected as part of the Child-
hood and Beyond Study (CAB). This longitudinal, school-based
study included three cohorts of children and their families. At Wave
1 (W1) in 1987, children were in Kindergarten (Cohort 1), first grade
(Cohort 2), and third grade (Cohort 3). Children were in grades 1, 2,
and 4 at Wave 2 (W2); grades 2, 3, and 5 at Wave 3 (W3); and
grades 3, 4, and 6 at Wave 4 (W4). Teachers at 12 public schools in
the Midwestern portion of the United States sent letters and
permission slips home to parents. Seventy-five percent of families
agreed to participate via informed consent procedures. Families
were recruited during Waves 1 through 3. We utilized four waves of
data from 987 target children (502 girls, 485 boys), their parents,
and their teachers. Families were primarily middle-class (i.e.,
families’ median annual household income in 1990 was $50,000-
$59,000), English-speaking European-Americans. Approximately
half of fathers (52%) and mothers (41%) had attained at least
a college degree and 98% of parents had completed high school.

Procedure

We used data from teachers at Waves 1–2, all reporters at Wave 3,
and children at Wave 4. We focused on data from Waves 3 and 4 to
test relations among our main study indicators because these were
the only waves in which we had data from children in all three
cohorts during the elementary school period. During each spring,
children’s data were collected in classrooms under school and
project staff supervision. Researchers read child questionnaires
aloud to the entire class. Parents and teachers completed self-
administered measures and mailed the forms back after completion.

Measures

Sport activity participation
At Wave 3, parents reported their children’s participation in

extracurricular sport activities over the past year. For each activity,
parents indicated (a) whether the activity was organized or
informal and (b) the time their child spent in sports in terms of
hours per week (1 ¼ less than 1 h per week, 7 ¼ more than 20 h per

Table 1
Descriptive statistics of and correlations among indicators.

Variables M(SD)/% 1 2 3 4

1. Time in team sports 1.19(1.95)
2. Time in individual sports .96 (2.00) .07
3. Sport self-concept (W3) 5.61(1.12) .30*** .01
4. Sport self-concept (W4) 5.28(1.36) .30*** .00 .66***
5. Self-esteem (W3) 3.14(.58) �.01 .03 .08* .0
6. Self-esteem (W4) 3.14(.59) .01 �.02 .12** .10
7. Child’s sex 50% girls .29*** �.13** .44*** .4
8. Sport ability 5.00(1.27) .34*** .09 .36*** .4
9. Sport importance 4.89(1.48) .20*** .01 .63*** .4
10. Peer liking 5.12(1.33) .02 .06 .01 .01
11. Parents’ education Collegea .10* .10* �.03 .0
12. Family income $59,000b .03 .09* .03 .0

Note: W ¼ Wave. Girls¼ 1 and Boys ¼ 2. *, p < .05; **, p < .01; ***, p < .001. a Graduated from a 4-year college. b Represents the median.

week) and weeks per year (1 ¼1–6 weeks, 6¼ 41–52 weeks). Only
parent-reported organized sport activities were included in the
present study. Organized activities were defined as having a regular
schedule and being part of a formal, organized group, such as
a recreational group or organization. The focus on organized sport
activities was theoretically and empirically-driven because struc-
tured activities that are organized by adults are linked to more
positive youth adjustment than are informal activities (Fletcher
et al., 2003; Larson, 2000; Mahoney & Stattin, 2000).

In line with previous research (Hansen, 2006; Jacobs et al.,
2005), we grouped the list of 40 organized sport activities into one
of two types: team (16 activities; e.g., basketball, soccer, football) or
individual (24 activities; e.g., swimming, gymnastics). Within team
and individual sports, we calculated an indicator of participation by
(a) multiplying the median number of hours by the median number
of weeks for each activity, (b) summing these values across all team
(or individual) sport activities, and (c) dividing this value by 52,
which is the total number of weeks in a year. Thus, participation
represented the average number of hours per week per year that
children spent in organized team sport activities and in organized
individual sport activities.

Children’s sport self-concept
At Waves 3 and 4, four items measured children’s sport self-

concept including: (1) ‘‘How good at sports are you (1 ¼ not good at
all, 7 ¼ very good)?’’; (2) ‘‘If you were to list all of the students in
your class from best to worst at playing sports, where would you
put yourself (1 ¼ one of the worst, 7 ¼ one of the best)?’’; (3)
‘‘Compared to other subjects, how good are you at sports (1 ¼ not as
good as other activities, 7 ¼ a lot better than other activities)?’’; and
(4) ‘‘How good would you be at learning something new in sports
(1 ¼ not at all good, 7 ¼ very good)?’’ The predictive and convergent
validity of this scale is evidenced by strong interrelationships with
children’s sports value beliefs, parent- and teacher-rated sport
ability, and sport participation as shown in past studies (Eccles &
Harold, 1991; Jacobs & Eccles, 1992; Jacobs et al., 2002; Wigfield
et al., 1997). These items were averaged to create the scale used in
the correlation table and demonstrate strong internal consistency
(W3: a ¼ .85; W4: a ¼ .89; see Table 1 for descriptive statistics). All
four items were used as indicators of a latent variable of sport self-
concept in the structural equation modeling analyses.

Self-esteem
At Waves 3 and 4, children reported their self-esteem using

Harter’s (1982) 7-item self-esteem scale (W3: a ¼ .68; W4: a ¼ .75;
see Table 1 for descriptive statistics). Children chose which state-
ment best described them and received a score from 1 to 4 on each
item. The seven items were as follows: (1) ‘‘Some kids feel they

5 6 7 8 9 10 11

6
** .43***

3*** .06 .05
9*** .03 .00 .15**
9*** .01 .04 .29*** .31***

.13** .08* �.06 .10* �.06
3 �.04 .01 �.06 .05 �.04 .13**
6 �.01 .02 �.02 .05 �.10 .12** .46***

C.B. Slutzky, S.D. Simpkins / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 10 (2009) 381–389384

would like to change a lot of things about themselves, but others
would like to stay the same’’; (2) ‘‘Some kids are happy being the
way they are, but other kids wish they different’’; (3) ‘‘Some kids
feel good about the way they act, but other kids wish they acted
differently’’; (4) ‘‘Some kids are sure of themselves, but others are
not very sure of themselves’’; (5) ‘‘Some kids think they are a good
person, but others are pretty sure they are not a good person’’; (6)
‘‘Some kids are not very happy with the way they do things, but
others think the way they do things is fine’’; and (7) ‘‘Some kids are
sure what they do is right, but other kids are not so sure whether or
not they do the right thing.’’ The seven items were averaged to
create the scale used in our descriptive analyses; item intercorre-
lations ranged from .11 to .50 (W3) and .12 to .46 (W4). We created
three parcels or subscales measuring whether children wanted to
change or be different (items 1–3), children’s confidence of them-
selves as a person (items 4–5), and children’s approval of their
behavior (items 6–7). These subscales were used as indicators of
a latent measure of self-esteem in the structural equation modeling
analyses.

Children’s sport ability
At Wave 3, mothers reported their perceptions of their child-

ren’s sport ability using the following items: (1) ‘‘Compared to
other children, how much innate ability or talent does this child
have in sports?’’; (2) ‘‘How good is this child at sports?’’; (3) ‘‘How
well do you think this child will do at sports next year?’’; and (4) ‘‘In
comparison to other children, how would you rate your child’s
performance in sports?’’ Items were scored on 7-point scales and
showed strong internal consistency (a ¼ .94; Jacobs et al., 2005).
The four items were averaged to form a composite scale for the
descriptive analyses. Items 1–4 served as individual indicators for
the latent construct representing parent-rated sport ability.

Children’s sport importance beliefs
At Wave 3, children completed a 4-item scale assessing the

extent to which they believed sports were valuable or important
(a ¼ .85; e.g., ‘‘For me, being good at sports is [1 ¼ not at all
important, 7 ¼ very important]’’; Wigfield et al., 1997). We averaged
items to create a composite score of sport importance (see Table 1).

Peer acceptance
Teachers assessed children’s social acceptance by rating ‘‘How

often is this child liked by peers at school?’’ (1 ¼ rarely, 7¼ most of
the time) at Waves 1–3. We averaged ratings across waves to
represent peer liking.

Family demographics
Both mothers and fathers reported their annual income as one

of nine income brackets separated by $10,000 increments (mini-
mum ¼ under $10,000, maximum ¼ over $80,000). We combined
parents’ incomes to create an index of family annual income. The
highest level of educational attainment across parents was used as
an indicator of parents’ education (1 ¼ grade school, 10 ¼ Ph.D).

Analytic plan

The analyses used to test our hypotheses were organized into
three sections. First, we carried out descriptive statistics and
bivariate correlations on all indicators. Second, we tested our
hypothesized model with structural equation modeling in AMOS
6.0 (Byrne, 2001). Full information maximum likelihood (FIML) was
used to adjust for missing data on all indicators. Finally, we used
multi-group tests to examine whether child’s sex, sport ability,
sport importance, and peer liking moderated the hypothesized
relations.

Results

Missing data

Despite researchers’ efforts to collect complete data throughout
the CAB study, some participants were missing at least one indi-
cator across waves. We used t-tests and chi-square tests to examine
differences between children who had complete data (n¼ 291) and
children who were missing at least one piece of data (n ¼ 696). Six
of the 13 comparisons were statistically significant; however,
effects sizes were typically small. Comparisons revealed that chil-
dren with complete data had more highly-educated parents
(d ¼ .20), came from families with higher overall incomes (d ¼ .21),
had mothers who rated their sport abilities higher (d ¼ .41), and
reported higher self-esteem at Wave 3 (d ¼ .30) and Wave 4
(d ¼ .24) than children with incomplete data. Also, children from
cohort 1 and 2 were more likely to have complete data than
expected by chance. FIML was used in estimating the structural
equation models so that we could estimate the models on the full
sample (N ¼ 987).

Descriptive statistics and bivariate relations among indicators

Table 1 contains means and standard deviations (or percentages
for categorical variables) for the study variables. Children, on
average, spent slightly more time per week in team sport activities
(i.e., 1.2 h) than in individual sport activities (i.e., .96 h). Boys
comprised 66% of team sport participants and 48% of individual
sport participants (not shown in Table 1). Children participating in
team sports and in individual sports were, on average, 9.8 years of
age. Study participants reported high levels of sport self-concept
and sport importance, and participants were, on average, well-
adjusted (i.e., results show above-average peer acceptance and self-
esteem ratings).

Bivariate correlations suggested that time spent in team sports
was positively associated with sport self-concept, whereas time in
individual sports and sport self-concept were not correlated. Sport
self-concept was positively related to self-esteem at both waves.
Together, these findings suggest that children who spent more time
in team sport activities felt they were more competent in sports. In
addition, children who felt they were more competent in sports
were likely to report higher self-esteem than their peers.

Models predicting children’s self-esteem

We estimated two separate models to test relations between
time spent in sport activities, sport self-concept, and self-esteem.
As shown in Fig. 1a and b, four latent variables were used to
represent constructs measured with multiple observed indicators,
namely sport self-concept and self-esteem. The latent variable of
self-esteem at Waves 3 and 4 was based on three parcels of the full
self-esteem scale (see the Method section for full details on the
parcels). The latent variable of sport self-concept at Waves 3 and 4
was measured by the 4 observed indicators (i.e., the 4 individual
items). The standardized loadings for all of the observed variables
were above .47 (all ps < .001). Following our hypotheses, we esti- mated paths from sport participation to sport self-concept and from sport self-concept to self-esteem, while controlling for previous sport self-concept and self-esteem.

In addition to the paths presented in Fig. 1a and b, we included 5
control variables: children’s sex, cohort (two dummy codes),
mothers’ perception of sport ability at Wave 3, parents’ education,
and family income. All indicators were manifest variables with the
exception of maternal perception of children’s sport ability. This
latent variable included four observed indicators (all standardized
loadings >.82, ps < .001). Paths were estimated between each

Sport Participation 34

Parents’ education
Family income
Child’s sex
Child’s cohort
Child’s sport abilitya

-.05

.76***

.53***

.09*

Parents’ education
Family income
Child’s sex
Child’s cohort
Child’s sport abilitya

.12**

.72***

.53***
.09*

Time in individual
sports
Wave 3
R2 = .05

Sport
self-concept
Wave 3
R2 = .40

Self-esteem
Wave 3
R2 = .01

Self-esteem
Wave 4
R2 = .30

Time in team
sports

Wave 3
R2 = .22

Sport
self-concept
Wave 3
R2 = .39

Self-esteem
Wave 3

R2 = .01

Sport
self-concept
Wave 4
R2 = .59

Self-esteem
Wave 4
R2 = .30

Sport
self-concept
Wave 4
R2 = .58

Fig. 1. This figure includes standardized path coefficients for the models examining time in team sports (Fig. 1a: Top) and individual sports (Fig. 1b: Bottom). Sport self-concept at
each wave was measured by four observed indicators and self-esteem at each wave was each measured by three observed indicators. *, p < .05; **, p < .01; ***, p < .001. a, Mother’s perception of child sport ability is a latent variable measured by four observed indicators.

C.B. Slutzky, S.D. Simpkins / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 10 (2009) 381–389 385

control variable and Wave 3 self-esteem, Wave 3 sport self-concept,
and Wave 3 sport participation based on previous research (Jacobs
et al., 2002). Correlations were also estimated among all the control
variables (i.e., sex, cohort, sport ability, education, and income), as
well as, among all of the indicators from Wave 3.

We used several fit criteria to evaluate model fit (Hu & Bentler,
1999; Kline, 1998). Because sample size strongly affects the chi-
square statistic, additional fit indices were used to allow for more
adequate evaluation of model fit. Model fit was good if the confir-
matory fit index (CFI) was .95 or higher, root mean square error of
approximation (RMSEA) was less than .06, and chi-square divided
by degrees of freedom (c2/df) was less than 3.

Team sport participation
The fit indices indicated that the model on time spent in team

sports fit the data well, c2(196, N ¼ 987) ¼ 478.47, p < .000; c2/ df ¼ 2.44; CFI ¼ .96; RMSEA ¼ .038. As Fig. 1a displays, participation in team sports significantly and positively predicted sport self- concept one year later. In turn, sport self-concept at Wave 4 was significantly and positively associated with Wave 4 self-esteem. These significant paths suggest that more time spent in team sport activities was associated with increases in sports self-concept, which, in turn, was associated with increases in self-esteem. We conducted a formal test of mediation to confirm whether a signifi- cant indirect effect was present (MacKinnon, Lockwood, Hoffman, West, & Sheets, 2002). Sport self-concept significantly mediated the relations between time in team sports and self-esteem (p < .05; the upper and lower confidence limits ¼ .0002 and .007).

Individual sport participation
The model for individual sport participation also fit the data

well, c2(196, N ¼ 987) ¼ 486.25, p < .001; c2/df ¼ 2.48; CFI ¼ .96; RMSEA ¼ .039. As Fig. 1b displays, time in individual sports did not significantly predict sport self-concept. Even after controlling for prior self-esteem, sport self-concept was significantly associated

with Wave 4 self-esteem, again suggesting that higher sport self-
concept was associated with increases in self-esteem. Sport self-
concept was not a significant mediator in this model because time
spent in individual sports did not significantly predict sport self-
concept.

Possible moderators

We conducted eight multi-group analyses to test whether the
relations in the predictive models varied between (a) boys versus
girls, (b) children with low versus high sport ability, (c) children
with low versus high sport importance beliefs, and (d) children
with low versus high social acceptance. We tested differences
between groups by calculating a change in chi-square between two
models: (a) a model in which all paths and correlations were fixed
to be equal across groups and (b) a model in which the two central
predictive paths in Fig. 1a and b were free to vary across groups (i.e.,
sports time / sport self-concept, and sport self-concept / self-
esteem), whereas all other paths and correlations between vari-
ables were constrained to be equal across groups. A significant
change in chi-square would suggest group differences in model fit.

None of the moderators were statistically significant. First,
children’s sex did not moderate the associations between time in
sports, sport self-concept, and self-esteem (Dc2(2) ¼ .30, ns, and
Dc2(2) ¼ .59, ns, for team or individual sports, respectively).
Second, we found the relations were similar across children with
low (i.e., children who received a rating of 1–4; n ¼ 206) versus high
sport ability (i.e., children who received a rating of 5 or greater;
n¼ 233) [Dc2(2) ¼ 2.89, ns, and Dc2(2) ¼ 2.65, ns, for team or
individual sports, respectively]. Third, we compared paths across
children who reported low ratings (i.e., children below the median,
n¼ 198) or high ratings (n ¼ 648) of sport importance. Sport
importance beliefs also did not moderate the associations
(Dc2(2) ¼ 1.93, ns, and Dc2(2) ¼ 1.23, ns, for team or individual
sports, respectively). Finally, we did not find significant model

C.B. Slutzky, S.D. Simpkins / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 10 (2009) 381–389386

differences between children who were low (i.e., children who
received a rating of 1–3; n ¼ 147) or high (i.e., children who
received a rating of 4 or greater; n ¼ 827) on peer acceptance
(Dc2(2) ¼ .89, ns, and Dc2(2) ¼ 1.55, ns, for team or individual
sports, respectively).

Discussion

This investigation extended prior research on sport participa-
tion and self-esteem by exploring sport self-concept as a mediator,
examining time spent in team and individual sports separately, and
focusing on elementary school-aged participants. Children’s self-
esteem is theorized to be contingent upon children’s self-concepts
of competencies in multiple areas (Harter, 1993, 1999, 2006; Marsh
et al., 2006). Sport and exercise models, such as the Exercise and
Self-Esteem model, emphasize sport self-concept as one of the
mechanisms by which sport participation impacts subsequent self-
esteem (Fox & Corbin, 1989; Sonstroem, 1997; Sonstroem et al.,
1994). In line with these theoretical perspectives, we found that
time spent in organized team sport activities was indirectly asso-
ciated with self-esteem via sport self-concept (Fox, 2000; Marsh,
1986; Sonstroem, 1997, 1998). That is, the more time children spent
in team sports, the better they felt about their sport abilities, which,
in turn, were positively associated with self-esteem. These findings
reinforce the value of exploring various facets of children’s physical
self-concept, which includes sport self-concept as well as other
self-concepts, as mechanisms through which sport participation
contributes to adjustment (Bowker, 2006; Fox, 2000; Richman &
Shaffer, 2000; Sonstroem, 1997).

The present results suggest that the positive association
between time in general sport activities and self-concept of sport
ability found in previous research (Donaldson & Ronan, 2006;
Roberts et al., 1981; Simpkins et al., 2006) may be driven, in part, by
the significant relations between time in team sports and sport self-
concept. In line with past research, we only found time in team
sports to be significantly associated with subsequent sport self-
concept and self-esteem (Hansen, 2006; Jacobs et al., 2005; Ped-
ersen & Seidman, 2004; Vihjalmsson & Thorlindsson, 1992).
Although this finding aligns with previous empirical research, it
contradicts theory suggesting that individual sport activities
provide clearer information about one’s sport ability than team
sport activities (Zaccaro et al., 1987).

The clarity or salience of individual performance may not be an
integral factor involved in younger sport participants’ formation of
sport self-concept. Research has demonstrated that children 10
years of age and younger are more likely than older children to
utilize external feedback, such as adult praise or a game outcome,
when evaluating their competence (Horn & Hasbrook, 1987; Horn &
Weiss, 1991). Children were on average 9.8 years of age in this
investigation, suggesting that these children were in the midst of
a developmental shift regarding how they judge their sport abili-
ties. It is possible that children are afforded more salient external
sources for judging sport ability in team sports rather than in
individual sports. For example, children in team sports may asso-
ciate their contributions during a team win with a positive sport
self-concept regardless of their individual performance (Zaccaro
et al., 1987). Our utilization of time in sports data limits our ability
to extrapolate whether children are attending to different sources
of feedback when evaluating their sport ability in individual versus
team sport activities.

Other aspects of team sport activities, such as the emphasis on
peer interactions or coaching quality, may drive the positive
connection between time in team sports and sport self-concept
(Daniels & Leaper, 2006; Horn, 1985; Smith, 2003). For example,
children’s enjoyment during team sport activities may transfer into
positive self-evaluations (Roberts & Treasure, 1992). Again, because

time data alone cannot speak to these possible underlying
processes, future research should assess which positive or negative
aspects of sport activities are associated with children’s developing
sport self-concept (Smith & Smoll, 2002).

It is important to note that despite the significance of the tested
associations, the path coefficients between time in team sports,
sport self-concept, and self-esteem were modest (Cohen, Cohen,
West, & Aiken, 2003; Kline, 1998). Children’s self-esteem is believed
to be contingent upon self-concepts in multiple domains, such as
physical appearance, social ability, academics, behavioral compe-
tence, as well as, sport ability (Harter, 1993, 1999, 2006). Children’s
sport self-concept is just one facet of the hierarchical structure of
self-esteem. Further, sport and exercise theoretical models
hypothesize that stronger relations would be expected between
self-esteem and more global, rather than specified, self-concept
constructs (Marsh, 1990; Marsh & Hattie, 1996; Shavelson et al.,
1976; Sonstroem, 1998). Thus, it was not surprising that sport self-
concept accounted for modest variance in our global self-esteem
measure. Future investigations may reveal stronger relations
between sport participation and self-esteem if a broader measure
of physical self-concept is utilized (e.g., Bowker, 2006). For
example, physical appearance is a theoretically-important compo-
nent of school-aged children’s physical self-concept that may
contribute to the association between time spent in sports and self-
esteem (Fox & Corbin, 1989; Harter, 1993; Sonstroem, 1998).
Although it is important to examine indicators of self-concepts that
are broader than sport self-concept, it is equally important to also
examine more specific indicators than those used in this investi-
gation. The findings between indicators might have been stronger if
sport-specific measures (e.g., time in soccer and self-concept of
soccer ability) were utilized as children’s abilities and beliefs vary
across specific sports (Swann, Chang-Schneider, & McClarty, 2007).

Possible moderators

It was surprising that the relations among sport participation,
sport self-concept, and self-esteem did not significantly vary across
any theoretically-driven moderators. For example, contrary to our
hypotheses, neither sport value nor competence moderated rela-
tions between sport participation, sport self-concept, and self-
esteem in this study. Motivational theory suggests that the impact
of engagement in sports varies based on children’s sport value and
competence (Eccles, 1993). The lack of differences across children
rated high and low in sport competence may be attributed to the
fact that younger school-aged children’s capacity to accurately
judge their sport ability is still developing (Horn & Hasbrook, 1987;
Horn & Weiss, 1991). Children spending time in team sports may
have higher sport self-concept regardless of their sport ability or
performance. Group differences may emerge with older children
because accuracy in judging sport competence improves with age,
and in turn, children would likely form sport self-concepts that are
congruent with actual ability levels as they get older.

The postulated link between sport value and self-concept may
explain why children’s sport importance beliefs did not moderate
the associations between time in sports, sport self-concept, and
self-esteem. Children have been shown to compensate for poor
sport self-concept by lowering their value of sports to maintain
their overall self-esteem (Harter, 1993, 1999; Rodriguez et al.,
2003). This work suggests that children who believe they are not
good at sports are likely to devalue sports and decrease their time
in sports. There may not have been many children in the sample
who had low value of sports and also participated in sports at
moderate or high levels. It may be necessary for future research in
this area to examine these processes when children first join sports
in order to capture what children with low sport self-concept of
ability and value do in terms of their sport participation. In

C.B. Slutzky, S.D. Simpkins / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 10 (2009) 381–389 387

addition, person-oriented or qualitative approaches may be better
able to capture these children and the processes at hand.

It also was surprising that child sex did not moderate the rela-
tions among study indicators. Previous research has largely shown
that elementary school children evidence consistent group differ-
ences; such that, boys persistently have higher sport self-concepts
and value beliefs than girls (Jacobs et al., 2002, 2005; Marsh et al.,
2007; Wigfield et al., 1997). Few researchers have tested if the
relations between sport self-concept and self-esteem vary based on
child sex although some work has addressed this issue in adoles-
cence (e.g., Bowker, 2006; Tracy & Erkut, 2002). Studies examining
the relations between sport self-concept and sport performance
suggest that although group differences exist (i.e., boys are higher
on these indicators than girls), the relations between these indi-
cators are similar for boys and girls (Marsh et al., 2007). Contrary
to expectations guided by gender socialization theory (Eccles &
Harold, 1991), our findings suggest that boys’ and girls’ self-esteem
is similarly associated with building self-concepts in male domains,
such as sports. On the other hand, these results align with devel-
opmental theory postulating that both boys and girls strive to build
various competencies during middle-to-late childhood and these
competencies are the basis of self-concepts underlying self-esteem
(Erikson, 1963; Harter, 1993). The connection between sport self-
concept and value beliefs again may be driving similar processes
between boys and girls. For example, Jacobs et al. (2002) found that
gender differences in sport value diminished once girls’ and boys’
sport self-concepts were controlled. Thus, girls may be just as likely
as boys to value sports and report heightened self-esteem when
they form positive sport self-concepts. Future research should
examine whether girls’ self-esteem continues to be tied to sport
participation in adolescence, as sports activities become more
competitive with age, and in turn, possibly conflict with girls’
traditional gender-roles, need for cooperative and supportive
interactions with peers, and value of sports (Eccles & Harold, 1991;
Jacobs et al., 2002; Roberts & Treasure, 1992).

Contrary to our hypotheses, we did not find stronger relations
among low compared to high socially-accepted children. However,
the lack of group differences across children rated high or low in
social acceptance status suggests that similar processes between
time in sports and self-esteem may occur even among at-risk
children, such as those who are not accepted by peers. It was of
particular value that this study demonstrated that time in team
sports was associated with heightened sport self-concept and self-
esteem among low socially-accepted youth because these children
often do not fare well in group-oriented activities and report lower
levels of self-esteem than their accepted peers (Asher & Coie, 1990;
Harter, 1982). Although these results point to the significance of
sports as a developmental context, it is important to acknowledge
that these findings are preliminary. Future research should aim to
validate these findings using sociometric tools, such as peer
nominations, that may be more appropriate and sensitive than the
measure used in the current study, for categorizing children into
social acceptance groups (Smith, 2003).

Examining these processes across theoretically-important
subgroups (i.e., as defined by multiple moderators) also could serve
to clarify how multiple factors simultaneously affect the mediated
relation between sport participation and self-esteem. For example,
time in sports may be more significant for boys with poor sport
ability as improving athletic skills may be integral to heightened
self-esteem given boys’ high value of sports (Eccles & Harold, 1991).
Sport participation also may be particularly beneficial for low
socially-accepted children with low sport ability, as opportunities
to build sport self-concept is pertinent for these children’s peer
relations given the value children place on athletic ability (Mar-
lowe, 1980; Weiss & Duncan, 1992). Thus, further research could
illuminate for whom sport participation may be most beneficial, as

well as, inform interventions targeting children at-risk for low self-
esteem (Smith, 2003; Smith & Smoll, 2002).

Limitations and future directions

Several limitations of the data set are worth noting. The study
was conducted nearly two decades ago. Rates of participation in
sport activities among preadolescents have continued to increase
over the years (Ewing & Seefeldt, 2002). Although sports is still
a gender-stereotyped domain, there have been many changes
concerning females’ sport participation in the United States, such as
Title IX which supports females’ sport participation. It is important
to replicate the current model with data collected more recently.

Researchers have examined whether adults (e.g., parents)
accurately report children’s time in physical activities (Telford,
Salmon, Jolley, & Crawford, 2004). Our reliance on parent reports
may have increased error variance in children’s time in sports.
However, utilization of parent reports was justified because
preadolescent children may lack the cognitive capacity to provide
a valid retrospective account of their overall sport participation
across an entire year and studies have demonstrated moderate
associations between parent and child reports of physical activity
(Dowda et al., 2007; Telford et al.). Moreover, given the focus on
outside-of-school sport participation, rather than overall physical
activity, parents would likely provide transportation to practices
and competitions, maintain their children’s extracurricular activity
schedule, and thus be best able to estimate the time their children
spent in sport activities. Future studies would benefit from seasonal
data collection or data collection at multiple points throughout the
year to optimize parent and child recall.

This study was also limited in that the current findings are based
on European-American, middle-class children. Despite the fact that
sport participation does not vary dramatically across racial and
ethnic groups, its value and contribution to self-esteem may vary
with cultural variation in values (Erkut & Tracy, 2002; Ewing &
Seefeldt, 2002). Studies using adolescent samples have demon-
strated that sport participants’ self-esteem varies not only across
racial and ethnic lines, but also varies with additional factors such
as physical well-being and school attachment (Erkut & Tracy, 2002;
Tracy & Erkut, 2002). Thus, an important direction for future
research would be to investigate whether the positive processes
associated with sport participation hold similarly across younger
participants from different ethnic or racial groups.

Finally, the nature of study data and analyses hindered inter-
pretations of causal relations between team sport participation,
sport self-concept, and self-esteem. Experimental interventions
have demonstrated that sport participation positively influences
self-esteem, even among children at-risk for maladjustment (Smith
& Smoll, 2002). Utilization of an experimental design would
provide stronger evidence explicating how time spent in a specific
type of sport activity produces gains in sport self-concept, and in
turn, overall self-esteem. Future investigations also could utilize
analytical techniques, such as growth curve modeling, to better
illustrate whether time spent in sports is associated with change in
sport self-concept and self-esteem. Given the relative stability of
self-esteem, multiple waves of sport participation and self-concept
data are needed to adequately examine developmental trends in
self-esteem (Marsh et al., 2006).

The current study findings are encouraging because they
suggest that heightened self-esteem is associated with team sports
participation and building self-concepts among various groups of
children, even those at high risk for maladjustment (Sandstrom &
Coie, 1999). Further, these findings reinforce the contention that
sport activities serve as economical and sustainable alternatives to
school-based interventions (Coatsworth & Conroy, 2006; Smith &
Smoll, 2002). The positive implications of this investigation

C.B. Slutzky, S.D. Simpkins / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 10 (2009) 381–389388

translate into practical considerations for those involved in efforts
to promote positive development among children via sport
activities.

For example, these findings suggest that sport activities can
have implications for children’s overall self-esteem through their
perception of their abilities. Because children’s self-concepts are
related to but do not always highly correspond to their abilities or
performance (Marsh et al., 2007), it is important for teachers,
coaches, and parents to support the development of children’s
sport self-concepts and athletic skills (Horn, 1985). Further, the
emphasis on team or group sport activities underscores the need
for involved adults to positively support children’s development
and continued efforts regardless of how they compare to peers
(Fox, 2000; Smith & Smoll, 2002).

Given extant evidence demonstrating that qualities of the sport
activity context (e.g., an emphasis on mastery of skills, positive peer
interactions, and a supportive and effective coach) are integral to
sport participants’ adjustment (Coatsworth & Conroy, 2006; Smith
& Smoll, 2002), additional research is needed to clarify how aspects
of sport activities influence children’s motivation for success and
skill development. Qualities found to motivate children to continue
in sports could be emphasized across sport activities to optimize
participant experiences. This information is critical for informing
sports-based interventions focused on improving self-concepts and
self-esteem among high-risk children (Smith, 2003; Smith & Smoll,
2002). In sum, our findings underscore the need to delineate the
mechanisms through which different types of sport activities
promote positive child adjustment.

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• The link between children’s sport participation and self-esteem: Exploring the mediating role of sport self-concept

Sport participation and self-esteem
Type of sport activity
Moderating factors
Study hypotheses
Method
Participants
Procedure
Measures
Sport activity participation
Children’s sport self-concept
Self-esteem
Children’s sport ability
Children’s sport importance beliefs
Peer acceptance
Family demographics
Analytic plan
Results
Missing data
Descriptive statistics and bivariate relations among indicators
Models predicting children’s self-esteem
Team sport participation
Individual sport participation
Possible moderators
Discussion
Possible moderators
Limitations and future directions
References

lable at ScienceDirect

Psychology of Sport and Exercise 12 (2011) 490e499

Contents lists avai

Psychology of Sport and Exercise

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/psychsport

Benefits and challenges associated with sport participation by children
and parents from low-income families

Nicholas L. Holt*, Bethan C. Kingsley, Lisa N. Tink, Jay Scherer
Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB T6G 2H9, Canada

a r t i c l e i n f o

Article history:
Received 14 June 2010
Received in revised form
23 March 2011
Accepted 17 May 2011
Available online 2 June 2011

Keywords:
Sport psychology and leisure

Developmental benefits

Barriers

* Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: nick.holt@ualberta.ca, nicholas.h

1469-0292/$ e see front matter � 2011 Elsevier Ltd.
doi:10.1016/j.psychsport.2011.05.007

a b s t r a c t

Objectives: The first purpose of this study was to examine low-income parents’ and their children’s
perceptions of the benefits associated with participation in youth sport. The second purpose was to examine
parents’ perceptions of the challenges associated with providing their children sporting opportunities.
Design: Interpretive Description qualitative approach (Thorne, 2008).
Methods: Thirty-five individual interviews were conducted with parents and children from 17 low-
income families. Data were transcribed and subjected to interpretive description analytic techniques.
Results: Analysis produced three main findings: (1) Parents and children reported that sport participation
was associated with a range of personal and social developmental benefits; (2) Parents reported that
several remaining barriers and constraints restricted the extent to which their children could engage in
sport and gain sustained developmental benefits; and, (3) Parents offered several possible solutions to
the problem of engaging their children in sport.
Conclusions: Findings demonstrate the value and importance of providing sport to children from low-
income families, but highlight that increased efforts are needed to overcome remaining barriers and
sustain long-term participation and benefits.

� 2011 Elsevier Ltd.

All rights reserved.

The popular view that ‘sport builds character’ has been widely
criticized (e.g., Fullinwinder, 2006). Indeed, sport participation has
been associated with negative issues such as adults modeling
inappropriate behaviors (Hansen, Larson, & Dworkin, 2003), the
misuse of alcohol (O’Brien, Blackie, & Hunter, 2005; Wechsler,
Davenport, Dowdall, Grossman, & Zanakos, 1997), engagement in
delinquent behaviors (Begg, Langley, Moffit, & Marshall, 1996), and
use of illegal drugs (Peretti-Watel et al., 2003). However, sport
participation has been correlated with numerous positive devel-
opmental indicators, including improved self-esteem, emotional
regulation, problem-solving, goal attainment, social skills, and
academic performance (e.g., Barber, Eccles, & Stone, 2001; Eccles,
Barber, Stone, & Hunt, 2003; Marsh & Kleitman, 2003; Richman &
Shaffer, 2000). Although, researchers generally agree that when
sport is delivered in appropriate ways it can promote healthy
development (Holt, 2008), there is a need for more evidence about
the developmental benefits of sport participation, especially for
youth from low-income families.

Sport participation can also increase levels of physical activity
among children and adolescents. This is important because the

olt@ualberta.ca (N.L. Holt).

All rights reserved.

majority of youth from developed countries are physically inactive
(Janssen et al., 2005). In Canada (the country in which the current
study was conducted), a recent nationally representative study of
6e19 year-olds demonstrated that only 9% of boys and 4% of girls
accumulated the recommended 60 min of moderate-to-vigorous
physical activity on at least 6 days a week (Colley et al., 2011).
However, children and adolescents who participate in sport accu-
mulate more steps-per-day and are more likely to meet the physical
activity guidelines than non-participants (Active Healthy Kids
Canada, 2009).

Unfortunately, evidence shows that sport participation has
declined. For example, data from national surveys have shown that
sport participation declined from 77% to 59% among Canadian
youth aged 15e18 years and from 57% to 51% for children aged 5e14
years between 1992 and 2005 (Ifedi, 2008). Sport participation was
most prevalent among children from high-income households
(68%) and lowest among children from lower income households,
at 44% (Clarke, 2008). Predictably, these studies found financial
barriers were a major factor that restricted sport participation
among children from the low-income families. Furthermore, chil-
dren and adolescents from low-income neighborhoods have
restricted access to sport/leisure facilities (Gordon-Larsen,
McMurray, & Popkin, 2000) and perceived safety concerns limit
their access to neighborhood play areas (Carver, Timperio, &

mailto:nick.holt@ualberta.ca

mailto:nicholas.holt@ualberta.ca

www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/14690292

http://www.elsevier.com/locate/psychsport

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.psychsport.2011.05.007

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.psychsport.2011.05.007

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.psychsport.2011.05.007

1 In Canada there are several agencies that provide funding for children’s sport
registration costs. These organizations include KidSport, Canadian Tire Jumpstart,
True Sport Foundation, Everybody Gets to Play, and the Wayne Gretzky Foundation.

N.L. Holt et al. / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 12 (2011) 490e499 491

Crawford, 2008; Holt, Cunningham, et al., 2009). A study of 160
Canadian youth aged 12e18 years from high and low Socio
Economic Status (SES) families showed that for low-SES youth
there was a need for additional planned and adult-supervised
activities (which could included sport programs) to increase
physical activity levels (Humbert et al., 2006). Humbert et al. also
recommended that the accessibility of physical activity/sport
programs must be improved in low-SES areas. Hence, it is impor-
tant to find ways to promote physical activity and, more specifically
for the current study, sport participation among children from low-
income families.

Clearly there are numerous unresolved issues pertaining to
sport participation among children from low-income families.
Although researchers have created instructional sport-based
programs designed to promote physical activity (e.g., Walker,
Caine-Bush, & Wait, 2009) and foster life skills (e.g., Hellison,
Martinek, & Walsh, 2008) among low-income youth, there is an
important distinction to be made between specific instructional
programs (usually delivered free-of-charge to a select group of
youth during- or after-school) versus ‘everyday’ mainstream sport
programs (e.g., school teams, youth leagues) that cater to a range of
youth and assess registration/participation fees (Holt, 2008). There
remains a knowledge gap when it comes to understanding the
benefits and challenges experienced by families who receive
funding for children to participate in such everyday/mainstream
sport programs. This knowledge gap is likely due to a fundamental
obstacle researchers face; namely gaining access to families in the
lowest-income brackets who actually have children involved in
sport. It is difficult to engage these lowest-income families because
of the obvious reason that financial barriers constrain their chil-
dren’s sport participation in the first place.

The current study

Organized sport participation in Canada is complex due to the
vast geographical size of the country and differences in sport
delivery among the 13 provinces/territories. Nonetheless, it could
be argued that government funding primarily supports elite sport.
Over the last three (winter) Olympic quadrennials Sport Canada
invested over $235 million (Cnd) to facilitate elite performance and
success (http://www.canada2010.gc.ca/mmedia/kits/fch-9-eng.
cfm). Furthermore, in conjunction with the 2010 Vancouver
Olympic Games, the federal government invested almost $19
million (Cnd) in the “Own the Podium” program with the vision of
making Canada a world leader in the area of high performance
sport (http://www.ownthepodium 2010.com). However, there is
a lack of federal investment in the subsidization of sport for low-
income youth.

Each province/territory has the autonomy to provide and
support sport participation in different ways. Some provincial
governments (e.g., Nova Scotia) provide more direct youth sport
funding than others (e.g., Alberta). In Alberta (the province in
which the current study was conducted), federal and provincial
government subsidization of youth programs is negligible. This is
reflected by the costs associated with various types of sport
programs. For example, athletes (or more specifically, their
parents) are often required to pay registration fees even for school
sport programs. High schools in Edmonton, Alberta (the city in
which this study was conducted) assess fees in the range of
$400e$450 per season for a ‘major’ sports (football, basketball,
volleyball), $150e$200 for sports like handball and soccer, and $50
for ‘minor’ sports such as badminton, cross-country, and rowing.
These fees cover out of town travel, team fees for competitions,
team meals, and clothing. Although some schools charge lower
amounts (and try to facilitate participation for low-income

children), normally parents are required to pay fees for school
sport participation.

Although school sport remains important, club sport is the main
vehicle through which Canadian children participate (Kremarik,
2000). In Edmonton, average club sport registration fees for
a single season (excluding equipment costs, tournament fees, or
travel) funded by the non-profit agency we partnered with to
recruit participants were as follows: indoor [winter] soccer ($200),
outdoor [summer] soccer ($85), hockey ($500), baseball ($180), and
track and field ($300). At a national level, research has shown that
two-parent Canadian households spent an average of $579 on sport
registration fees and equipment in 2005 (Clarke, 2008). In addition
to these fee/equipment expenses, families may have also spent
additional money on facility rentals, transportation to sports
events, and tournament entry fees that were not accounted for in
the 2005 survey. It is not uncommon for children to play with both
a school and club sport team simultaneously. This system clearly
places a large financial burden on parents being able to pay sport
fees. In light of such costs, it is not surprising that sport participa-
tion is lowest among children from lower income households
(Clarke, 2008).

As a result of the that financial barriers primarily restrict sport
participation for children from low-income Canadian families
(Clarke, 2008; Ifedi, 2008; Kremarik, 2000), and the lack of
government sponsorship, a number of non-profit organizations
have been created to provide direct funding to facilitate their sport
participation.1 But, to the best of our knowledge, no studies have
specifically examined issues associated with sport participation
among families who have received such funding. We accessed
these ‘hard-to-reach’ families by partnering with one non-profit
organization. This organization provides funding to families in
the lowest-income bracket to enable their children to participate in
sport. Therefore, an exploratory study was conducted. The first
purpose of this study was to examine low-income parents’ and
their children’s perceptions of the benefits associated with partic-
ipation in youth sport. The second purpose was to examine parents’
perceptions of the challenges associated with providing their
children sporting opportunities. We wanted to establish how
personal and contextual factors combined to influence sport
participation and any potential developmental and health benefits
children could gain.

Conceptual context

Given the novel and exploratory aspects of this study we were
neither testing nor guided by one specific theory. Rather, our
conceptual context was underpinned by principles from select
developmental theories. We broadly approached the study from
developmental theories based on the ecological systems perspec-
tive (Bronfenbrenner, 2005; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). One
aspect of the ecological systems perspective involves examining
personal interactions with features of the social environment
(known as ecological systems). People interact with several
different levels of human ecological systems, ranging from more
proximal microsystems to more distal macrosystems. Microsystems,
the most proximal human ecological system, are considered to be
the patterned activities, roles, and interpersonal relations a person
experiences in a setting. Behaviors in microsystems are influenced
by more distal levels of human ecology, such as macrosystems of
public policy, governments, and economic systems. Various types

http://www.canada2010.gc.ca/mmedia/kits/fch-9-eng.cfm

http://www.canada2010.gc.ca/mmedia/kits/fch-9-eng.cfm

http://www.ownthepodium

http://2010.com

2 The definition of sport used was based on the Canadian Government’s defini-
tion of sport, which is: “Sport is a regulated form of physical activity organized as
a contest between two or more participants for the purpose of determining
a winner by fair and ethical means. Such contest may be in the form of a game,
match, race, or other form of competitive event” (http://www.pch.gc.ca/pgm/sc/
pgm/cfrs/sfafelig10-eng.cfm).

N.L. Holt et al. / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 12 (2011) 490e499492

of ecological approaches have been successfully used to examine
aspects of physical activity participation among low-income youth
(e.g., Casey, Eime, Payne, & Harvey, 2009; Holt, Cunningham, et al.,
2009). Similarly, Strachan, Côté, and Deakin (2009) used an
ecological approach to examine developmental assets associated
with youth sport involvement. They found three particular assets
(positive identity, empowerment, and support) were important to
focus on in youth sport programs to decrease burnout symptoms
and enhance children’s enjoyment. Hence, ecological models may
be useful for studying PA and youth sport participation. For the
current study, we were interested in identifying proximal issues
(e.g., relating to the benefits of sport for low-income children) and
distal issues (e.g., relating to broader funding and policy contexts),
which represent advances beyond previous research.

Ecological systems theory also underpins conceptualizations of
Positive Youth Development (PYD). PYD does not refer to a singular
theory but rather a range of approaches that share the assumption
children are ‘resources to be developed’ rather than ‘problems to be
solved’ (Roth, Brooks-Gunn, Murrary, & Foster, 1998). PYD is
therefore a strength-based approach, and proponents view all
young people as having the potential for positive developmental
change (Eccles & Gootman, 2002).

Most conceptualizations of PYD are historically grounded in an
ecological systems perspective (Bronfenbrenner, 2005; Lerner,
2002). For example, developmental systems theory emphasizes
the idea that systemic dynamics of individual-context relations
provide the bases of behavior and developmental change (Lerner,
2002). One important idea is the concept of relative plasticity,
which is the potential for systematic change across the lifespan.
More specifically, the concept of relative plasticity “legitimates
a proactive search in adolescence for the characteristics of youth
and their contexts that, together, can influence the design of poli-
cies and programs promoting positive development” (Lerner &
Castellino, 2002, p. 124). The potential for change lies in relations
that exist among multiple levels or contexts that range from the
individual psychological level to proximal social relationships (i.e.,
families, peers) to sociocultural levels (including macroinstitutions
such as policy, governmental, and economic systems). Hence, the
target of developmental analysis should be on the ways in which
different components of a system are in relation and how they may
influence individuals. Applying this concept to sport, it may be
possible to identify factors at different ecological levels or contexts
(i.e., family, community, policy) that can be aligned to promote
positive development for children from low-income families.

There are several specific theories of under the umbrella of PYD,
including the interpersonal domains of learning experiences
(Larson, Hansen, & Moneta, 2006), the ‘5Cs’ measurement model
(Lerner et al., 2005), and the developmental assets framework
(Leffert et al.,1998). In designing the current study, we were open to
the possibility that some of these theoretical approaches to PYD
may have been useful for guiding elements of the analysis.
However, we did not select a particular approach a priori. Rather,
due to the novel and exploratory aspects of the study, we ‘followed
the data’ and used theory selectively to help advance interpretive
analysis (Sandelowski, 1993; Thorne, 2008). Therefore, the study
was generally approached from an ecological developmental
systems perspective (Lerner, 2002) rather than a specific concep-
tualization or way to measure PYD.

Method

Interpretive Description Methodology

We used Interpretive Description (ID) methodology, which is
a qualitative approach for generating grounded knowledge in

applied research settings (Thorne, 2008). Interpretation is informed
philosophically by ontological perspectives of multiple realities and
epistemologically that knowledge is socially constructed by the
person who experiences events. Thus, ID research focuses on
understanding experience and accounting for social forces that may
have shaped the experience. ID is particularly useful for studies that
seek to examine patterned relationships between personal and
contextual issues and was therefore an appropriate methodological
selection for this study.

Sampling and recruitment

Purposeful sampling was used to recruit participants for this
study. Sampling criteria were established a priori and used to
identify those individuals who would be able to provide the best
information in response to the research purposes. For the current
study the main sampling criteria were that families must be of
lowest SES bracket and had received funding to pay sport regis-
tration fees for a child in the past 12 months.2 Low SES was based
on Federal Low Income Cut-Offs (LICOs) for before-tax earnings by
family size and population of area of residence (Statistics Canada,
2009). LICOs are Statistics Canada’s most established and widely
recognized approach to estimating low income. LICO is an income
threshold below which a family will likely devote 20% or more of
its income on the necessities of food, shelter, and clothing than the
average family. In 2007/08, the before-tax LICO in the city of
Edmonton for a family of two adults and two children was a total
household income of $27,601. For purposes of comparison, the
city-wide mean family income for 2006 was $72,800 (City of
Edmonton, nd).

Families were recruited with the assistance of a non-profit
charitable organization that provides funding to pay sport regis-
tration fees for children from low-income families. Eligible families
receive funding (paid directly to sport organizations) to
a maximum of $250 per child per season. LICO is a measure used by
this organization for the provision of funding; therefore, all families
funded would meet our sampling criteria as being from the lowest
SES bracket. A part-time employee from the non-profit organiza-
tion mailed recruitment letters to 200 families who had received
funding in the previous 12 months. Interested participants con-
tacted the research team via telephone or e-mail and a convenient
time and location for interviewing was arranged. Participation was
voluntary and not a condition of funding. Research Ethics Board
approval was obtained. Parents provided written informed consent
for themselves and their children. Children provided oral assent.
Participants received a $40 gift certificate (one per family) for
a grocery store of their choice.

Participants

Data were collected from 35 parents and children representing
a total of 17 families (the response rate was 8.5%). The sample
comprised 17 parents (15 mothers, 2 fathers; M age ¼ 44.5 years,
SD ¼ 7.9) and 18 children (7 females, 11 males, M age ¼ 12.5 years,
SD ¼ 2.5). Participants’ regions of origin were Canada (n ¼ 10),
Eastern Europe (n ¼ 3), Asia (n ¼ 2), Africa (n ¼ 1), and the Middle
East, (n ¼ 1). Of the families who originated from Canada, three self-

http://www.pch.gc.ca/pgm/sc/pgm/cfrs/sfafelig10-eng.cfm

http://www.pch.gc.ca/pgm/sc/pgm/cfrs/sfafelig10-eng.cfm

N.L. Holt et al. / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 12 (2011) 490e499 493

reported being Métis. As per the sampling criteria, all families were
low-income based on LICOs.

Data collection

Data were collected via a total of 35 individual interviews con-
ducted by two trained researchers. Interviews were completed in
separate rooms in the participants’ homes or at the university. One
researcher interviewed the parent while the second researcher
interviewed the child. A semi-structured interview approach was
used e that is, questions were based around an interview guide but
the researchers were careful to follow the participant’s lead. For
example, following a warm-up period and some rapport building
questions, parents were asked questions about their children’s
sport participation in general (e.g., How long has your son or
daughter been playing [chosen sport]? Are there any other sports
that he/she plays? What are your personal experiences of your son/
daughter’s involvement in sport? What is it you like best about
your son/daughter’s involvement in sport?), obstacles and chal-
lenges to sport participation (e.g., Have there been any times when
your son/daughter wanted to play sport and wasn’t able to? [Probe
for examples]. Is there anything you feel has prevented his/her
development as an athlete? If possible, what would you change so
he/she could play more sport?) and, benefits associated with sport
(e.g., Can you give me any examples of personal or social skills you
think your son/daughter may have learned in sport? What is it
about playing sport that you think has helped him/her to learn
these skills?). At the end of the interview we also asked some
questions about the parents’ views about the process of obtaining
funding from the non-profit organization that assisted us with the
recruitment. The children’s interview guide focused on their sport
experiences and benefits they associated with sport rather than
barriers their families faced.

Data analysis

Interviews were transcribed (within approximately one week of
the interview) by a professional transcribing service and checked
with the original recordings to ensure accuracy. Prior to the formal
coding of the transcripts the researchers discussed their initial
thoughts about findings by debriefing following interviews. More
formal coding commenced as soon as transcripts were received and
there was interaction between data collection and analysis. Data
provided by parents were analyzed first because they provided the
more detailed accounts upon which to create the coding schema.
Initially two researchers read through the transcripts from the first
five parents and used content analysis to identify specific themes.
Essentially this step was the deconstruction of all data obtained and
it produced a long list of all themes. A rule of inclusion was written
for each theme, which is a description of the meaning of the theme
and the data contained therein. The same procedures were then
applied to the parents’ and children’s transcripts independently. All
remaining transcripts were coded and the initial themes were
broadly organized in terms of benefits (18 themes initially),
opportunities (5 themes initially), and barriers (9 themes initially).
While data from parents and children were coded into the benefits
themes, only parents’ data pertained to the themes of barriers and
opportunities. This was because the barriers and opportunities
represented more abstract ideas that were likely beyond the chil-
dren’s comprehension. As such, children’s data only extended to
the more ‘concrete’ benefits they associated with sport
participation.

The next analytic step involved a more ‘interpretive turn’
(Thorne, 2008) in which the researchers consider what pieces of
data might mean, both individually and in relation to each other.

This involved establishing patterns and relationships within and
between data. To achieve this, the themes from the ‘long list’
initially generated were aggregated into more meaningful cate-
gories. Comments from parents and children reflecting develop-
mental benefits were compared and combined, and redundant or
overlapping themes were collapsed and the initial coding scheme
was reduced. Thorne suggested that techniques from other meth-
odologies can be used here. We used constant comparison, memos,
and diagramming from grounded theory to advance our interpre-
tive thinking. We also followed Thorne’s advice and asked “What
ideas are starting to take shape such that I think they will have
a place in my final analysis if it is to do justice to my research
question?” (p.160). This enabled us to look beyond content analysis
and move into the realms of interpretation. At this point a decision
was made to categorize all themes related to benefits of sport
participation into a larger category (which included quotes from
parents and children). Then, treating parents’ data in isolation,
remaining themes were grouped into categories of barriers/
constraints and possible solutions.

Thorne (2008) suggested that it is possible to use theory to
advance interpretive analysis, but advised researchers to avoid
moving too quickly to the imposition of a theoretical framework to
help organize or guide interpretation. Following this advice, and
given the broad conceptual context underpinning the study, we
selectively applied theory to advance our interpretation of the data.
There was no single theory that could be used without unduly
‘forcing’ various constructs on the data. For example, some of the
benefits associated with sport participation linked with theories of
PYD (i.e., Larson et al., 2006) whereas broader barriers/constraints
and possible solutions are not accounted for in any theories of PYD
but were consistent with ecological and developmental systems
theories (i.e., Bronfenbrenner, 2005; Lerner, 2002). Hence, we used
the PYD concept of personal and interpersonal domains of learning
experiences (Larson et al.) to help organize the developmental
benefits associated with sport. In terms of barriers/constraints and
possible solutions, we sought to examine within these concepts in
terms of connections between family level and broader contextual
(i.e., macrosystem) issues (i.e., Bronfenbrenner; Lerner). Hence, we
used theory broadly to help guide and refine certain aspects of the
analysis, rather than rigidly imposing a theory onto the data
(Sandelowski, 1993; Thorne, 2008).

Methodological rigor

Methodological rigor was addressed using several techniques.
We primarily focused on using self-corrective techniques during
the process of the study (Morse, Barrett, Mayan, Olson, & Spiers,
2002). Two researchers worked together closely during the anal-
ysis. Data analysis commenced as soon as initial interviews were
transcribed and there was interaction between data collection and
analysis throughout. The initial coding schema was created based
on both researchers’ coding of the transcripts from the first five
families, and the researchers engaged in an on-going dialog during
the remaining analysis. Early engagement in data analysis helped
establish that an adequate level of data saturation had been
obtained. That is, when data had been collected and analyzed from
12 families we felt we were reaching an acceptable level of satu-
ration as the core categories were becoming well established and
few new ideas were arising. However, we continued to collect data
from an additional 5 families because they contacted us to partic-
ipate in the study and we did not want to refuse participation.
These data further saturated the findings.

The study allowed for a level of corroboration between parents’
and children’s perspectives for the developmental benefits theme
only. Data relating to broader (macro) issues were not corroborated

N.L. Holt et al. / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 12 (2011) 490e499494

by data provided by parents and children, mainly because children
are unable to discuss such broad/abstract ideas. To help us further
understand more about the broader issues discussed by parents
(which reflected macro-level issues), results were presented at two
board meetings of the non-profit organization (a local Annual
General Meeting [AGM] and a provincial AGM) because board
members, we assumed, would be familiar with some of these
macro-level issues. Board members were presented with an oral
summary of the findings and asked to provide their opinions and
feedback about the researchers’ interpretations. Their comments
helped to clarify some aspects of the analysis, especially around the
remaining barriers and constraints (i.e., more macro-level issues).
Many comments related to ways in which the non-profit organi-
zation could facilitate sport participation more effectively. These
claims were in response to data pertaining to the need for better
awareness of funding programs. Although we met with some
resistance from board members (e.g., some suggested that their
program advertising had improved since we conducted the study),
we retained these issues in the final results in order to remain
faithful to the perspectives of the participants, especially the
parents. The way we dealt with such feedback reflects the guide-
lines provided by Morse et al. (2002) in terms of avoiding an over-
reliance on post-hoc verification techniques.

Results

The combined data from parents and children demonstrated
some clear associations between sport involvement and children
gaining a range of social and personal developmental benefits
(Table 1). Our analysis showed that some barriers and constraints to
sport participation remained. We also found that parents offered
some possible solutions to the problem of maintaining their chil-
dren’s sport participation, which included actions taken by them as
well as a desire for greater availability of and accessibility to
funding resources (Table 2). Our interpretations of the data are
summarized in Fig. 1, which shows the identified patterns between
the findings. Our main conceptual claim (cf. Thorne, 2008) is that
continuing barriers and constraints limit the extent to which devel-
opmental benefits of sport participation will be consistently realized
and have long-term effects on children’s development.

Developmental benefits

Several developmental benefits (the only category in which data
were corroborated by children and parents) were associated with
children’s participation in youth sport. These findings were orga-
nized in terms of personal and social benefits (Please see Table 1 for
quotations from parents and children). Social benefits parents and
children reported were relationships with coaches, making new
friends, and teamwork/social skills. Personal benefits reported by
parents and children were emotional control, exploration, confi-
dence, discipline, academic performance, weight management, and
‘keeping busy.’ In the interests of being concise, we present the
main developmental benefits in Table 1, which includes exemplar
quotes from parents and children.

Beyond the findings reported in Table 1, an important point to
emphasize is that several of the benefits reported by parents and
children appeared to ‘transfer’ from sport to other areas of the
children’s lives. Parent # 10 (P10) summed up the general view
parents reported:

[Sport] is important, it can change lives. It should be part of our
life because it’s a lifestyle is totally different in 21st century than
before. They [children] don’t do so many [other things like]
gardening or planting [activities] to keep body going in

spending energy. It is very important to play sport. For
health. to be part of that team, to learn to be part of
community. to learn how to become better. And [at the]
same time it helps him [son] also to improve his schooling score
[i.e., grades]. I think [his] marks for his subjects in the school [are
better] because [of sport]. I think the brain works better and
clearer when they do any kind of exercise. [And] I cannot
imagine him going on to party and smoking and drinking and
using drugs. I believe that children who play sports, they are
not involved in gangs and drugs, alcohol and other stuff.

Similarly, her son (Child 10) reported a range of benefits he
experienced through playing sport:

There’s making new friends. The whole thing of making new
friends, meeting new people. And I think, it’s a great way to help
kids mature almost, to deal with the emotions and deal with
people around them ’cause these situations that they’re put in, I
think it would really help them develop. And of course there’s
that other skill of interaction that everyone needs. And of course
I think it’s fun. That’s the main reason that I play volleyball. And I
think also that it’s a good stress relief and if you’re like busy with
school and other things, I think it’s a great way, sports help like
get more, like I almost feel like I work more efficiently if I play
sports even though it takes a part of my time. Almost like
doing my homework more efficiently if I have less time almost
to manage my time. And if you’re physically active it almost
helps your brain to be more clear.

As reflected by these quotes and the more detailed information
provided in Table 1, we found several personal and social benefits
associated with sport participation and parents and children made
fairly direct connections between sport and these benefits.

Barriers and constraints

As explained in the method section, the category of barriers and
constraints is entirely based on issues parents reported. Despite
receiving funding, parents faced additional barriers that restricted
the extent to which they could support their children’s participa-
tion in sport. Many parents reported some of the familiar time
management and scheduling demands that are often associated with
having children involved in sports. But the parents in this study also
had to deal with some unique circumstances, primarily related to
their financial situation, which made supporting their children’s
sport participation even more difficult. P2 explained that:

Well we looked at doing rock climbing out here [at the univer-
sity]. [But] it’s a little bit trickier here because they have an
indoor facility here but given that I [cannot drive due to medical
reasons] and my wife’s in school so she’s not really there to drive
us, getting out there and back on the bus would shoot three
hours. Right? . Like here it’s a good 40 minutes one way, then
an hour lesson and then 40 minutes back.

Several parents in this study worked multiple jobs that made it
difficult to facilitate their children’s sport participation. P8 reported
that:

That’s why we were very, very busy so we just didn’t have any
time. It’s ongoing project, one after another and there is no
spare time at all. So, our son has to adjust to our schedules
unfortunately because we can’t change it and I can’t help it. I
have three jobs at the same time because we have to pay our
bills and I have to support my family here.

As the final sentence of the previous quote suggested, parents
continued to face significant financial barriers that limited their

Table 1
Summary of developmental benefits associated with provision of sport opportunities.

Theme Exemplar quotes from parents Exemplar quotes from children

Social
Relationships with

coaches
P2: He loved his first instructor. He just loved her ’cause she gave him the
attention he needed, she didn’t treat him negatively. You know, you could
tell at times it’s a little frustrating to have to go over something again and
again. But uh she did really well so he talked about her.

C4: Well [name of coach] was favourite leader. ’Cause she was
really nice and she thought that I was really good at gymnastics
because I’m always tucking in my toes.

Making new friends P8: For us specifically because we are immigrants, we didn’t have any
relationships here before we came. We didn’t have any family here before
we came. So, we were practically by ourselves. Any contacts were really
useful for us. And when he went to sport he learned so many kids and I think
it helped him just to be, just to help him to integrate in the community. And,
you know, it wasn’t so easy when you don’t speak the language, when you
don’t know um anything about the city or culture.

C16: Before football I had never like had different friends of
different races. And in football everybody’s just, yeah your
Jamaican kids, Somalian kids, people from Singapore, some
Italians. So it really helps you learn how to be, how to deal, like
not deal, but how to have friends, diverse friends. The
friendships you make in sport are probably the most important
because you carry those with you for the rest of your life.

Teamwork and
social skills

P9: . That’s one reason why my husband wants her to play volleyball.
Because he says, that my daughter, for a long time she has been the only
child in my family. So she doesn’t know so much about how to, the social
skills, yeah. And she’ll play, and my husband says piano is an individual
thing. But sports you have to know how to play with others. It’s a teamwork,
so. I think she learn a lot about social skills when she plays volleyball.

C5: Well, I think like it just, you sort of get used to like talking on
the field, like you sort of talk to everybody, [and about] social
lives off the field. So, you can talk to people in class and, and
outside of school and stuff.. You could learn um I guess just
how to be a teammate and how to play fair, how to
communicate and learn different things of like different skills
and stuff and use ’em maybe in your future if there is an
opportunity to go in like a different academy, a higher team or
something like that.

Personal
Emotional control P6: And actually when you play sport I see it helped him a lot like we went

through hard times and it kept him calm. Maybe you know it took he took
his anger out there. You know um it was like a therapy for him as well. That’s
what I really found. And even with my daughter I see the same. She’s, they
make, it makes them more calm more patient. They could count to 10 before
they actually go there and do something else.

C10: Things like um temper management and um, like
controlling my emotions. And such as, since I’ve played more
and more volleyball I’ve realized on the court I was able to, like,
sometimes control my emotions, just not get mad. I learned to
be a lot more positive than I used to be. For example, if you mess
up on a point I learnt how to get over it. And like sometimes my
attitude towards things have changed and I think I’ve become
a lot more positive person.

Exploration P1: I think it helps her to know herself a little better. Like she, through the
gymnastic, although she only done for eight, 10 weeks, she likes to do that
kind of stuff and she will try different things herself. Which is scary
sometimes. But she wanted to do a cartwheel so she continued trying at
home.

C7: Uh I’d say that uh that when um, I don’t know, I guess it’s
when you just uh play sports it just your, your mind really starts
like working and, and it makes you, I don’t know uh what’s the
word, mmm, it just makes you think more I guess.

Confidence P3: For sure, for sure, like that’s why I say what’s significant for me is the
confidence of just being like trusting that I can step out and I can do this and
even if I fall that’s fine, I can try again and just having that like over, and
over, and over like for 3 years built into their brain. that counts for a lot.

C10: I think a really big part of sport is I learned how to be
confident and that helps a lot, especially in school and like
public places. If I need to give a speech I know how to like calm
myself down before I present. I can be confident and if I interact
with other people, not only on sports teams but with new
people, different friends, I know how to interact with them
better. And like generally in school or family things if I’m really
down I can get myself together a little bit faster. I think it’s given
me those benefits.

Discipline P13: Yeah. But, um and, and they’re learning. Like they’re learning discipline
and how that, certain ways that they have to do things, which I think it’s, it’s
a benefit for me at home because, I mean, they don’t, they don’t just use
what they learn in soccer, they use it otherwise, you know, like at home..
Like lately [my son] has been telling his brother, you know, “this is how you
need to deal with [a situation].. If [name of guardian] says this is right we
have to do it that way.” So, at first it kind of blew me away like where’s he
getting it from but then I realized it is from soccer. It’s, it’s almost like they’re
totally different kids when they played.

C7: It’s made me responsible in some ways and made me like
stronger ’cause uh when, when I knew like all the, when, before
I didn’t know all these sports I don’t know, I was just like, I was
just, I would just like sit at home, do nothing and be lazy. But
now I’m like, yeah I have responsibilities and stuff.

Academic
performance

P7: Yeah I see that. I see that. Yeah I see that yeah how responsive they are I
mean and even their academic performance in, in, in class you know, yeah
there’s a remarkable improvement you know, yeah.

C5: Yeah. Well, maybe because if say in school, you have
a project and it’s in a group of four maybe then you all have to
work together to get it finished in time. But if one person just
does it all they might not get finished or it’s just maybe really
bad or, yeah.

Weight
management

P6: Just how everything’s connected that’s it. You know like soccer, sports,
healthy living you know makes you a better person. You’re, you know if
you’re healthy it build, builds your self-esteem better too. So I said you know
because I see kids at school they’re a bit chubby and they’re too shy to go
into sports.

C16: Without sports I would probably be like 200 pounds,
sitting on the couch doing nothing. Well I think everyone
should be healthy. Like they should do at least something to
keep themselves physical. Doesn’t need to be sport, they can do
whatever it is that they need to do. ’Cause once you start to get
into the habit of just sitting on the couch, doing nothing, eating
chips, getting bigger and bigger every day, you’re not as happy
with yourself. And you can say you’re happy with yourself but
you’re not.

Keeping busy P5: When I see some kids her age and what they’re doing and, and then I
look at her and see what she’s not doing. Do you know what I mean? Like
hanging out at the malls or the streets or even getting into bad stuff, she,
she’s not. And, and actually, none of my kids are ’cause they all play soccer,
we keep them involved and so we, we know sort of where they are and what
they’re doing. And, and they’re too busy with, between soccer and school to
be out getting in trouble.

C7: Yeah [because of sport] now I have, I have like, more of the
big responsibility in life and not just, not just coming everyday
from school, sitting home and being idle and stuff.

N.L. Holt et al. / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 12 (2011) 490e499 495

Table 2
Summary of categories and themes reported by parents only.

Categories Themes

Barriers and constraints Time management and scheduling
Financial barriers
Maintaining children’s participation
as they improved in sport

Possible solutions Parents ‘help themselves’
Awareness of available funding
Additional funding resources

N.L. Holt et al. / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 12 (2011) 490e499496

children’s sport participation. In part, this was related to the fact
that they only received $250 funding per child per year which did
not cover all the costs of sport programs. P5 explained that “when
you have children like [name of daughter] who want to participate
in summer and winter, $250 doesn’t cover it. Like the indoor
[soccer] season is about double the price of the outdoor season.” In
the winter, soccer is played indoors (due to the weather) and the fee
in this case was $230 per child because parents are required to help
cover the cost of expensive indoor field rentals. During the summer
soccer, is played outdoors and field rental is much cheaper and
therefore registration fees are less expensive. In this instance,
funding was clearly insufficient to cover all the costs and parents
were required to fund the shortfall themselves. Highlighting the
on-going financial constraints, P7 reported that:

We are a family of six so.we are facing financial constraints and
there was the time we wanted to register [two children] in the
community [soccer], the total amount was about $300 for both
of them, our budgets couldn’t sustain that at that time.

In P7’s case her children’s sport participation was curtailed
because the family could not provide additional funds to supple-
ment the funding it received. Similarly, P11 reported that:

Yeah. And each time she [daughter] does it, there’s a cost.
Running club is the same. What’s the cost for running? They run
around the block! Well but you know it’s for the party or for this
and it’s $5 for every race or is it even more. And I drive her there
[another cost]. I don’t think that [the organizers] realize how
sometimes those costs actually prevent my kids from joining
running club. Like we’re not even talking hockey [an expensive
sport]. Running club! There shouldn’t be a cost for that. She’s got
her own runners [running shoes]. I drive her to the things and
yet there’s always that cost. I tried to kind of ask [about reducing
the cost] but you know it’s a little bit embarrassing. You don’t
want your child to be labeled necessarily as the one that can’t
afford it.

Another related financial barrier for parents involved main-
taining their children’s participation as they improved in sport. For
example, P3 said “as they progress it will get more expensive and

Fig. 1. Model of factors associated with sport participation by members of low-income
families.

like already now like I have to contribute some [more money]..
But as they progress in, in their training then it will get more
expensive.” Similarly, P6 reported that:

When [name of children] grow older the price changes some-
times. And the fees get more costly. And we went through
a separation, me and my husband, and then you know some-
times it gets difficult. But I don’t want [my son] to know [my
financial circumstances]. I would work extra hard for him to pay
for his sports.

Hence, several barriers and constraints limited the extent to
which children could continuously engage in sport. As children
improve, costs of sport rise, but supplementary assistance/subsi-
dization does not. Such barriers and constraints likely restrict the
long-term developmental benefits children could gain from their
involvement in sport.

Possible solutions

Findings revealed several types of solutions to the problem of
parents providing their children with sporting opportunities. One
fundamental idea was that parents attempted to find ways to ‘help
themselves’ within their financial constraints to provide sporting
opportunities fortheirchildren. Forexample, the idea of compromise
was reflected by many parents, and often it involved making sacri-
fices in one area of family life to support sport. P4 said “I just might
have to compromisesome of my things [expenses] in orderto make it
possible for my children to do some things, some other things.”
Families would also find alternatives to providing financial support.
P12 explained that to help pay for sport costs “you have to volunteer,
you know, that you work a bingo night. or you sell tickets, you
know, they have Grey Cuptickets [afundraiserbasedon the Canadian
Football League’s national championship game] uh, pool tickets uh,
different things they have, or at the Christmas party.” Similarly, P5
said:

We make up a point of trying to keep them involved. [One
sport program] is with the school, but it’s something that we
have to pay for. But my husband volunteers at the school so
through him volunteering they just put his hours towards
paying for the program for [daughter]. So, so that’s actually
worked out well for us too otherwise yeah, she wouldn’t be in
that [school sport program].. We just sort of made arrange-
ments with the principal to, to um if [my husband] volunteered
then they would pay for her monthly fee.

However, parents could only ‘help themselves’ to a certain
degree because of their constraining financial situations. Accord-
ingly, we also found parents expressed a desire for better awareness
of available funding for sport. One issue that restricted access was
many parents were unsure of what additional funding resources
were available to them. P1 said, “But then, I don’t know, I really
hope there’s other places which might [provide funding] but I, I
haven’t looked into it yet.” In fact, we found that families who
participated in this study had obtained funding from the non-profit
organization because either they were well-informed (e.g., in one
case the mother was a part-time social worker and understood the
‘system’ and the available resources) or because they received
assistance from a teacher or coach (e.g., P7 explained that a teacher
realized his child needed additional funding and told us that “his
teacher gave him an application form [to apply for funding from the
non profit organization] for me to complete”). Still, while some
parents were knowledgeable or received assistance to find funding,
the issue of not knowing or understanding the availability of
resources was most salient for newcomers to the city/country.

N.L. Holt et al. / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 12 (2011) 490e499 497

Therefore, a potential solution for improving access to resources
was to improve the visibility of programs to help parents under-
stand the various programs to which they could apply. One way to
improve the visibility of programs was through advertising. P2
suggested that:

We need more funding. To make that more possible, we need
some more advertising out there. The programs exist. the
programs are out there, nobody knows about it. You know,
[name of non-profit organization] existed for how many years?
And I found out about it a year ago and we could have used it
many years before. You know? And it’s not just the [name of
non-profit organization] program, it’s [also] all the government
programs, a lot of them seem to hide. Um that’s one of the
drawbacks of the system is it doesn’t do a very good job of
advertising itself. At times it gets better but for the most part, it
doesn’t seem to promote itself very well.

In addition to increasing knowledge and awareness of existing
funding programs parents also needed additional funding resources
to support their children’s sport participation. This appeared to be
particularly salient in the poorer areas of the city where most
participants resided. P1 said:

I think this is probably outside of the scope [of your question]
but maybe there’s more different types of activity available for
the kids. And also through different funding then that will be
great. And also through the city, me and my friends always talk
about how certain programs that’s offered by the city is only in
certain areas. And like on the north side we tried to look for
those kind of programs and it’s not available. It’s always more
downtown, central or south. So that’s another thing.

In summary, potential solutions to the problem of supporting
children’s sport participation were parents helping themselves,
increasing knowledge and awareness of funding programs, and the
need for additional funding opportunities. These findings show that
while parents were taking personal responsibility for engaging
their children in sport, additional funding was clearly needed to
help sustain sport participation and increase the likelihood of
children gaining sustained developmental benefits from sport
participation.

Discussion

The first purpose of this study was to examine low-income
parents’ and their children’s perceptions of the benefits associ-
ated with participation in youth sport. Developmental benefits
associated with sport participation by parents and children were
reported. We broadly classified these into social and personal
benefits (see Table 1), which were consistent with certain
conceptualizations of PYD (e.g., Larson et al., 2006). Findings at the
social level (i.e., relationships with coaches, making new friends,
and teamwork/social skills) add to a growing body of evidence in
the sport psychology literature that indicate the potential for social
skills to be acquired through participation in sport. For example,
findings from a study of an ethnically diverse team of Canadian
high school soccer players showed that life skills associated with
participation on the team included teamwork and leadership (Holt,
Tink, Mandigo, & Fox, 2008). More specifically, teamwork and
leadership were the only skills that these high school student-
athletes learned through sport that they thought transferred to
other areas of their lives. This finding has been replicated in
a retrospective study of youth sport participation among Canadian
university students (Holt, Tamminen, Tink, & Black, 2009), and in
US studies comparing benefits of sport participation to other leisure

activities (e.g., Hansen et al., 2003). It may be that learning to
interact with teammates to pursue common goals necessitates
social interaction. That is, individuals must learn to work together
to achieve team and personal goals. It is also possible that these
social skills were particularly important for the low-income youth
we studied who may not have otherwise had many opportunities to
interact with others outside of their ‘most proximal’ social sphere
(i.e., family members, schoolmates).

Larson et al. (2006) compared youth participation in sports with
other organized activities (i.e., arts, academic, community, service,
and faith programs). Students in sport reported significantly higher
rates of initiative, emotional regulation, and teamwork experiences
compared to students involved in the other activities. The reported
benefits of sport are consistent with the current findings. We also
found improved academic performance was a benefit associated
with sport participation. This is consistent with previous research
(Marsh & Kleitman, 2003) that found sport participation in grade 12
predicted a range of post-secondary outcomes for youth (e.g.,
improved school grades, homework, educational and occupational
aspirations, university applications, subsequent college enrollment,
and eventual educational attainment). The current findings add to
the literature because, to the best of our knowledge, previous
studies examining the potential benefits of sport participation have
not sampled those lowest-income families that require financial
assistance to fund their children’s involvement in sport. Sport
participation may be particularly important to these families’ lives
because children gained personal and social benefits from activities
they likely would not otherwise experience.

These findings clearly show the potential benefits of sport for
children from low-income families and highlight the need to
support their sport participation. This is a powerful finding due to
the increased health-risks faced by children from low-income
families. By aligning macrosystems policies (rather than, for
example, providing a specific program) it may be possible to create
systems to promote PYD through sport (cf. Holt, 2008; Lerner &
Castellino, 2002). By creating appropriate systemic conditions/
relations we can capitalize on the concept of relative plasticity and
promote PYD. Sport systems may be poised to have a powerful
impact on PYD for children from low-income families if there is
adequate provision of funding in the future.

The second purpose of this study was to examine parents’
perceptions of the challenges associated with providing their
children sporting opportunities. Constraints and barriers limited
the extent to which children could have sustained sport partici-
pation and therefore gain long-term developmental benefits.
Although it has been established that financial constraints restrict
Canadian children’s sport participation (Clarke, 2008; Ifedi, 2008;
Kremarik, 2000), the more unique aspects of the current findings
relate to sustaining participation after provision of funding.
Sustaining involvement in sport is an important developmental
issue. For example, a recent study by Zarrett et al. (2008) showed
that children who had more continuous (i.e., sustained) participa-
tion in sport reported more positive developmental outcomes than
children with less sustained sport involvement. Hence, ways to
sustain sport involvement are required, especially among children
from low-income families. In addition to the role of non-profits, the
onus is on government and sport organizations to provide subsidies
to sustain participation. Improving provision of sport for low-
income children (who report low rates of physical activity and
poor health outcomes) should be viewed as a long-term investment
in health. That is, children with sustained sport participation
maintain higher rates of physical activity (e.g., Tammelin, Näyhä,
Hills, & Järvelin, 2003) and report fewer health problems (e.g.,
Hasselstrøm, Hansen, Froberg, & Andersen, 2002) during adult-
hood. Although difficult to quantify, providing sport to low-income

N.L. Holt et al. / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 12 (2011) 490e499498

youth is a health promotion strategy that may help reduce the
financial burden on the health care system in the long term. For
example, one Canadian study predicted families of at-risk children
who had participated in a subsidized recreation/sport program
would cost $500 less per annum in health and social services
accessed than those who did not receive such programming
(Browne, 2011). For example, children involved in the recreation/
sport program were 90% less likely to use a social worker or
probationary officer.

One of the possible solutions offered by the findings of this
study involved parents ‘helping themselves’ in terms of volun-
teering to assist with sport in lieu of paying registration fees.
Interestingly, in contrast to declining sport participation, there have
been noticeable increases in volunteering in sport by Canadians.
The number of amateur coaches increased 1.6% from 1998 to almost
1.8 million in 2005 (Ifedi, 2008). Similarly, in 2005 over 2 million
Canadians volunteered their time as administrators or helpers, up
18% from 1998. These are particularly important findings because
children whose parents are involved in sport (as a participant
themselves or an administrator/coach) are more likely to be sport
participants (Kremarik, 2000). Encouraging parents of low-income
children to volunteer in sport organizations may be a way of
facilitation sport participation. That said, parents from these
families may work several jobs and have limited transportation
options that restrict the extent they can engage in these activities.
Nonetheless, the finding that parents can ‘help themselves’ to
support sport participant by volunteering is an important issue for
future consideration. For example, sport clubs or schools could
establish formal policies whereby registration fees are waived for
children whose parents volunteer.

Parents expressed a clear need for the provision of additional
funding opportunities. This is a macro-level policy issue related to
economic and policy level systems (cf. Bronfenbrenner, 2005;
Lerner, 2002). However, subsidization of youth sport has not been
adequately addressed at a federal government level because the
majority of funding is directly toward elite sport. The Canadian
federal government does offer a Children’s Fitness Tax Credit
(CFTC), which allows a non-refundable tax credit of up to $500 to
register a child (up to the age of 16 years old for an able-bodied
child) in an organized youth sport program. However, a recent
internet-based panel survey of 2135 Canadians examined the
effectiveness and uptake of the CFTC (Spence, Holt, Dutove, &
Carson, 2010). Results showed parents in the lowest-income
quartile were significantly less aware of and less likely to claim the
CFTC than other income groups. The authors interpreted this
finding to mean that families without the resources to make the
financial outlay to pay for programs in the first place will not
benefit from a tax credit. Therefore, the CFTC appears to benefit
wealthier families. The Spence et al. study, combined with the
current findings, highlight the need to provide more direct funding
to low-income families to promote and sustain children’s involve-
ment in sporting activities.

From a theoretical perspective the findings support the
continued use of ecological and developmental systems theories
(i.e., Bronfenbrenner, 2005; Lerner, 2002) to examine issues related
to sport participation for children from low-income families. Some
of the benefits reported reflect proximal ‘microsystem’ interactions
at individual, family, and social (i.e., teammate, coach) contexts. But
we also showed how ‘macrosystem’ issues influenced sport
participation. Remaining financial barriers reflect economic
systems, and the need for additional funding reflects policy and
governmental systems. These findings reflect the importance of
understanding the ‘relational unit’ e that is, relationships between
various contexts must be studied in order to understand ways in
which systems can be organized to optimize youth development

(Lerner & Castellino, 2002). According to these theoretical
perspectives, coordinated strategies across multiple ecological
levels are required to create the systemic conditions that can be
altered to foster PYD (Lerner, 2002).

Hence, by interpreting the findings through an ecological/
developmental systems theoretical lens we were able to identify
factors at different ecological levels or contexts (i.e., family,
community, policy) that can be aligned to promote PYD among
children from low-income families. Furthermore, in accordance
with the goals of ID (Thorne, 2008), the findings have clear impli-
cations that may inform policy and provision of sport. For example,
the non-profit organization we partnered with (and other similar
agencies) clearly played an important role in providing sport
opportunities. Such organizations need to consider that $250 may
be insufficient to adequately cover sport costs, particularly as
children progress through increasing levels of competition. There is
also a need to more clearly communicate with low-income families
to help make them aware of available funding opportunities.

Finally, there is an urgent need for more direct federal govern-
ment subsidization of sport programs, especially because the
existing CFTC program appears to benefit higher income families the
most (Spence et al., 2010). One means of government providing
financial support would be to fund non-profits, whereas other
means would be to directly fund parents, or to better subsidize
school sport programs and sport clubs. Parents could be provided
vouchers to purchase equipment. Fundamentally, these suggestions
implicate the development of multi-sector partnerships (i.e.,
between all levels of government [in Canada, federal, provincial/
territorial, and municipal], non-profits, and sport clubs). Govern-
ment investment in sport may actually save tax dollars in the long
term (Browne, 2011).

Given the focus on relational/contextual issues, we did not
examine individual differences within and across participants,
which is a feature of developmental systems theories (Lerner &
Castellino, 2002). More specifically, limitations of this study were
that we only interviewed two fathers (as opposed to 15 mothers).
This was likely because mothers were the primary caregivers and
responsible for supporting their children’s involvement in sport.
However, previous research has shown differences in the percep-
tions and attitudes of mothers and fathers to sport participation.
For example, mothers may see themselves as giving more positive
support and being more actively involved in their children’s sport
activity than fathers, possibly because mothers feel more respon-
sible for family life and child care than fathers (Wuerth, Lee, &
Alfermann, 2004). Fathers tend to give more sport specific feed-
back to their children and push them to train harder (Wuerth et al.).
Therefore, additional analyses of the views of fathers and potential
differences in the opinions of mothers versus fathers are needed.
The current study also did not consider child-level gender differ-
ences, or other psychological/personality factors that may influence
adaptation and development. These issues require further analysis.

We were able to sample a particularly hard-to-reach group. The
response rate was low, but there are several reasons that may
explain this. We know, anecdotallyat least, that low-income families
tend to move house often (and approximately 20 recruitment letters
were ‘returned to sender’ and others may not have reached the
intended participants but were not returned to sender). Other
reasons for non-participation (we speculate) may include possible
language barriers, and lack of motivation. Hence, it is possible that
we recruited the more socially competent parents who were moti-
vated for some reason to participate (e.g., they wanted to advocate
for the possible benefits of sport and need for funding). These factors
should be considered when judging the findings. Nonetheless, the
study revealed some crucial issues associated with providing sport
opportunities to children from low-income families. Most

N.L. Holt et al. / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 12 (2011) 490e499 499

importantly, continuing barriers and constraints limited the extent
to which developmental benefits will be consistently realized and
have long-term effects on children’s development.

Acknowledgments

This research was supported by grants from the Sport Science
Association of Alberta and Canadian Institutes of Health Research.

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• Benefits and challenges associated with sport participation by children and parents from low-income families

The current study
Conceptual context
Method
Interpretive Description Methodology
Sampling and recruitment
Participants
Data collection
Data analysis
Methodological rigor
Results
Developmental benefits
Barriers and constraints
Possible solutions
Discussion
Acknowledgments
References