Discussion

IMPORTANT: When posting, you should thoughtfully explain a theme from lecture, then incorporate and cite at least one of your readings in your original response to the prompt, including the author, title, publication date, and page if available. Best form is to include that information at the end of your narrative response/as a footnote. You may even relate current events, ask a question about a “hazy” concept, or share a personal experience related to the topic. The goal is to demonstrate you have read and reflected on the lessons, readings, and considered the perspectives of your classmates.

Generating responses using AI tools like Chat GPT for graded course work is a violation of the course academic policies.

• You should aim to post an original response to my prompt and reply to two of your classmate’s posts on the discussion board each week.
• Your original response to the discussion prompt is worth 2 points and is due by Wednesday at midnight (11:59 p.m.) each week, giving your peers time to reply from Thursday – Sunday.
• Each reply to a classmate’s post is worth 1 point and is due by Sunday at midnight (11:59 p.m.) each week.
• Thus, for full credit, you should aim to post an original response and then reply to your peers each week, for a total of 5 possible points per week (up to 50 total points for the quarter).
• The discussion board closes each week on Sunday at midnight with the entire module. Take a moment to consider how you frame your thoughts before posting, incorporate our course material, and your life experience.
• Brief, superficial posts/replies to peer posts, posts that seem generated by AI/ChatGPT, or those that do not follow the instructions above, will be given partial or no credit.

• Discussion
• First, take a moment to personally reflect on the following: how many tech devices do you own, broadly defined? How many hours on average do you spend a day total with your tech devices? How openly do you share – or protect – your personal information? Next, consider how much of your world is interconnected through the “Internet of Things” (IoT). How do you *think* you are currently connected – not just when you’re online on a “device” like a cell phone or laptop – but through IoT?In light of your answers, and incorporating this week’s readings and lessons: have you ever had a virus, trojan, worm or other malware? If so, how did you know? What happened? What – if anything – did you do about it?Is your Ring doorbell watching “them,” or are they watching YOU? !
• CDF, Ch 4 “Malware and Automated Computer Attacks” (128-165)Lutkevich, TechTarget, “IoT Basics and Fundamentals: A Guide forLinks to an external site.Beginners 2023Links to an external site.”RequiredGoodman, “When All Things Are Hackable” Download “When All Things Are Hackable”(281-302) and “Home Hacked Home” Download “Home Hacked Home”(303-330)Kremling & Parker, “Threat Factors: Computers as Targets Download Threat Factors: Computers as Targets” (37-61)

Cybercrime and Digital Forensics
This book offers a comprehensive and integrative introduction to cybercrime. It provides
an authoritative synthesis of the disparate literature on the various types of cybercrime,
the global investigation and detection of cybercrime and the role of digital information,
and the wider role of technology as a facilitator for social relationships between deviants
and criminals. It includes coverage of:
• key theoretical and methodological perspectives;
• computer hacking and malicious software;
• digital piracy and intellectual theft;
• economic crime and online fraud;
• pornography and online sex crime;
• cyber-bullying and cyber-stalking;
• cyber-terrorism and extremism;
• digital forensic investigation and its legal context around the world;
• the law enforcement response to cybercrime transnationally;
• cybercrime policy and legislation across the globe.
The new edition features two new chapters, the first looking at the law enforcement
response to cybercrime and the second offering an extended discussion of online child
pornography and sexual exploitation.
This book includes lively and engaging features, such as discussion questions, boxed
examples of unique events and key figures in offending, quotes from interviews with
active offenders, and a full glossary of terms. This new edition includes QR codes
throughout to connect directly with relevant websites. It is supplemented by a
companion website that includes further exercises for students and instructor resources.
This text is essential reading for courses on cybercrime, cyber-deviancy, digital forensics,
cybercrime investigation, and the sociology of technology.
Thomas J. Holt is a Professor in the School of Criminal Justice at Michigan State
University, USA.
Adam M. Bossler is a Professor of Criminal Justice and Criminology at Georgia
Southern University, USA.
Kathryn C. Seigfried-Spellar is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Computer
and Information Technology at Purdue University, USA.
“The second and expanded edition of Cybercrime and Digital Forensics is a most welcome update on this
popular introductory text that covers the field, from the origins of computer hacking to the seizure and
preservation of digital data. Each chapter begins with a useful general overview of the relevant literature on the
2
topic or issue covered, whether economic cybercrimes or online stalking, and then provides coverage of laws,
cases, and problems not just in the US but pertinent to other jurisdictions. Additional chapters on child
exploitation materials, the role of transnational police and private investigation of cybercrime, and expanded
treatment of cyber-terrorism, allow for more in depth treatment of these topics and, importantly, options for
streaming or modifying the content of taught courses on cybercrime and digital investigations. The authors have
again provided numerous online sources in the text and cases for students to explore, and a supporting website
that should help to keep readers and instructors in touch with this rapidly changing field.”
— Roderic Broadhurst, Professor of Criminology, RegNet, Australian National University
“It is unusual to find a book in this field that does not simply focus on the technical aspects of the subject area.
This book brings together a wide range of literature, sources, and real case-studies to provide an in-depth look at
this ever-changing subject area. The book is rich in material and is a good read for those just starting to look at
cyber-security, all the way through to those living and breathing it.”
— Emlyn Butterfield, Course Director, School of Computing, Creative Technologies and Engineering, Leeds
Beckett University
“The style and organization of the book are ideal, not only for the introductory student, but also for the lay
reader. What’s more, the timeliness and detail of the issues discussed make it a useful resource for more
advanced researchers. In this book, the authors have delivered something for everyone.”
— Peter Grabosky, Professor Emeritus, RegNet, Australian National University
“Cybercrime and Digital Forensics provides an excellent introduction to the theory and practice of cybercrime.
This second edition introduces new chapters on law enforcement responses to cybercrime and an extended
section on online child pornography and sexual exploitation. The authors have introduced new and recent case
material making the subject relevant and accessible to academics and students interested in this new and
exciting field of study. I used the first edition of this book extensively in teaching an undergraduate course on
cybercrime. This new edition updates and expands on the topic. Both students and teachers will be attracted to
the clarity of presentation and extensive use of cases to focus discussion on challenging issues.”
— Dr Lennon Chang, Lecturer in Criminology, School of Social Sciences, Monash University
3
Cybercrime and Digital Forensics
An Introduction
Second Edition
Thomas J. Holt, Adam M. Bossler
and Kathryn C. Seigfried-Spellar
4
Second edition published 2018
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2018 Thomas J. Holt, Adam M. Bossler and Kathryn C. Seigfried-Spellar
The right of Thomas J. Holt, Adam M. Bossler and Kathryn Seigfried-Spellar to be
identified as authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with sections
77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in
any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter
invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or
retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered
trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to
infringe.
First edition published by Routledge 2015
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Holt, Thomas J., 1978– author. | Bossler, Adam M., author. | Seigfried-Spellar,
Kathryn C., author.
Title: Cybercrime and digital forensics : an introduction / Thomas J. Holt, Adam M.
Bossler and Kathryn C. Seigfried-Spellar.
Description: Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2017017922 | ISBN 9781138238725 (hardback) | ISBN 9781138238732
(pbk.) | ISBN 9781315296975 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Computer crimes. | Forensic sciences.
Classification: LCC HV6773 .H648 2018 | DDC 363.25/968—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017017922
ISBN: 978-1-138-23872-5 (hbk)
5
ISBN: 978-1-138-23873-2 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-29697-5 (ebk)
Typeset in Bembo
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
Visit the companion website: www.routledge.com/cw/holt
6
Contents
List of figures
List of tables
List of boxes
1 TECHNOLOGY AND CYBERCRIME
Introduction
Technology as a landscape for crime
A typology of cybercrime
This text
2 LAW ENFORCEMENT, PRIVACY, AND SECURITY IN DEALING WITH
CYBERCRIME
Introduction
Local police and sheriffs’ offices
State agencies
Federal law enforcement
Civil investigation and application of digital evidence
Extralegal agencies and non-governmental organizations
International enforcement challenges
The tension between security and privacy
Summary
3 COMPUTER HACKERS AND HACKING
Introduction
Defining computer hacking
Victims of hacking
The human aspects of the hacker subculture
Hacking history
The modern hacker subculture
Legal frameworks to prosecute hacking
Enforcing and investigating hacker activity
Summary
4 MALWARE AND AUTOMATED COMPUTER ATTACKS
Introduction
The basics of malware
7
Viruses, trojans, and worms
The global impact of malware
Hackers and malware writers
The market for malicious software
Legal challenges in dealing with malware
Coordination and management in addressing malware
Summary
5 DIGITAL PIRACY AND INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY THEFT
Introduction
What is intellectual property?
The evolution of piracy over time
The subculture of piracy
The evolution of legislation to deal with piracy
The law enforcement and industry response
Summary
6 ECONOMIC CRIMES AND ONLINE FRAUD
Introduction
Fraud and computer-mediated communications
Identity theft
Email-based scams
Romance scams
The problem of carding and stolen data markets
Identity theft and fraud laws
Summary
7 PORNOGRAPHY, PROSTITUTION, AND SEX CRIMES
Introduction
The spectrum of sexuality online
Pornography in the digital age
Prostitution and sex work
Dealing with obscenity and pornography online
Self-regulation by the pornography industry
Summary
8 CHILD PORNOGRAPHY AND SEXUAL EXPLOITATION
Introduction
Defining and differentiating child porn from obscene content
The role of technology in child pornography and exploitation
8
Explorations of the pedophile subculture online
The legal status of child pornography around the globe
Summary
9 CYBERBULLYING, ONLINE HARASSMENT, AND CYBERSTALKING
Online threats, bullying, and harassment
Defining cyberbullying
Predictors of bullying online and offline
Summary
10 ONLINE EXTREMISM, CYBERTERROR, AND CYBERWARFARE
Introduction
Defining terror, hacktivism, and cyberterror
The role of nation-state vs. non-nation-state attacks
The use of the Internet in the indoctrination and recruitment of
extremist groups
Electronic attacks by extremist groups
Cyberwar and the nation-state
Legislating extremism and cyberterror
Investigating and securing cyberspace from the threat of terror and
war
Cyberwar and response
Summary
11 CYBERCRIME AND CRIMINOLOGICAL THEORIES
Introduction
Subcultural theories
Social learning theory and cybercrime
General theory of crime
Agnew’s general strain theory
Techniques of neutralization
Deterrence theory
Theories of cybercrime victimization
Need for new cyberspace theories?
Summary
12 EVOLUTION OF DIGITAL FORENSICS
Introduction
From computer forensics to digital forensics
Stages of digital forensic investigation
9
The role of digital evidence
Types of hardware, peripherals, and electronic evidence
Evidence integrity
Summary
13 ACQUISITION AND EXAMINATION OF FORENSIC EVIDENCE
Introduction
Data preservation
Digital forensic imaging tools
Uncovering digital evidence
Data analysis
Data reduction and filtering
Reporting of findings
Summary
14 LEGAL CHALLENGES IN DIGITAL FORENSIC INVESTIGATIONS
Introduction
Constitutional issues in digital investigations
Federal Rules of Evidence 702
Summary
15 THE FUTURE OF CYBERCRIME, TERROR, AND POLICY
Introduction
Considering the future of cybercrime
How technicways will shift with new technologies
Social movements, technology, and social change
Need for new cyber criminological theories?
Shifting enforcement strategies in the age of the Internet
Considering the future of forensics
The challenge to policy makers globally
Summary
Glossary
Index
10
Figures
1.1 Venn diagram of cybercrime, cyberterrorism, and cyberdeviance
3.1 Venn diagram of computer hacking
4.1 The SubSeven Attacker Graphical User Interface (GUI)
4.2 An example of a Zeus Malware Variant GUI
4.3 Botnet command and control distribution
4.4 An example of the Illusion Bot Malware GUI
12.1 Floppy disks
12.2 An unmanned aircraft system (UAS), also known as a drone
12.3a/b Hiding flash drives
12.4 An older model computer
12.5 The evolution of removable storage devices
12.6 The evolving state of mobile phones
12.7a/b Hidden media examples
13.1a/b Write blockers
13.2 Screenshot of EnCase created by Guidance Software
13.3 Screenshot of Forensic Toolkit (FTK) created by AccessData
13.4a/b Diagram of a hard drive, sectors, and clusters
13.5 Keyword searching through forensic software
13.6 Common file signatures
13.7 File carving
13.8a/b An example of encryption
14.1 A pay phone booth
14.2 Cellebrite device
14.3 The scientific method
11
Tables
3.1 A timeline of notable events in the history of hacking
3.2 A timeline of computer hacking conferences
12
Boxes
1.1 Getting around Russian extradition laws
2.1 A local agency’s new cybercrime detective
2.2 Assessing the credibility of a fusion center’s analysis of a cyber-attack
2.3 The role of digital evidence in divorce cases
2.4 An examination of why we should be concerned by government spying
campaigns
3.1 The Jargon File definition of hacking
3.2 Mainframe computing systems
3.3 A hacker talks about WarGames
3.4 The criminal exploits of Kevin Mitnick
3.5 The electronic disturbance theater and cyber-attacks
3.6 The ongoing conflict between Indian and Pakistani hackers
3.7 LulzSec hacks FBI affiliate, Infragard
4.1 The debate over public or private vulnerability disclosures
4.2 F-Secure report on virus W32/Concept malware
4.3 Interview with MPack creator
4.4 Interview with the malware writer Corpse
4.5 One of the first modern prosecutions for malware distribution in the USA
5.1 Friedman Wolverine review
5.2 These were the top-14 illegally downloaded movies in 2015
5.3 Torrent downloads: Fiasco over three-year jail term shows absurdity of
India’s John Doe orders
6.1 Follow Friday: where debit card numbers get stolen
6.2 Nigerian email text
6.3 Phishing example
6.4 Work-at-home scheme
6.5 Understanding the human dimensions of romance scams
6.6 Pump-and-dump message
6.7 Counterfeit luxury goods message
6.8 The rise of virtual brand protection communities
6.9 Counterfeit pharmaceutical message
6.10 Albert Gonzales
6.11 Using Japanese ATMs to defraud South African banks
6.12 The overlapping role of the Secret Service and the Federal Bureau of
Investigation
7.1 The impact of revenge porn on its victims
7.2 The rise of VR porn content
7.3 The role of escort review sites
13
7.4 The opinions of a hobbyist in Canada
7.5 The vagaries of prosecuting obscene content online
8.1 The practices of To Catch a Predator
8.2 The 10-Point COPINE Scale
8.3 Details on Operation Delego
8.4 Live-streaming sexual abuse content
8.5 Understanding attempts to solicit youth into documenting sexual acts
8.6 The complex techniques required to investigate Dark Web child porn
8.7 The Rogers Seigfried-Spellar Hybrid Model
8.8 Immigration and Customs Enforcement operations in action
8.9 The Virtual Global Taskforce in action
9.1 Catfishing in the news
9.2 Vickie Newton and negative outcomes of cyberstalking
9.3 The unfortunate suicides resulting from bullying
9.4 The Computer Fraud and Abuse Act applied to Megan Meier’s death
9.5 The failure of the Megan Meier bullying legislation
9.6 The suicide of Rehtaeh Parsons
9.7 Facebook security suggestions for parents
10.1 The use of technology in protest activities
10.2 The use of encrypted chat applications by terrorists
10.3 Ultimatum For DDoS attacks against US banks
10.4 Anonymous open letter example
10.5 The role of social media in recruitment and radicalization
10.6 An example of Facebook live being used for terrorism
10.7 Examples of cyber-attacks against SCADA systems in water treatment
10.8 Questioning the reality of cyberterror
10.9 Inside the Russian troll organization
10.10 The tools created by the NSA for espionage and attack
11.1 Examples of websites that provide information on hacking techniques
11.2 Understanding the consequences of cyberbullying
11.3 Justifications for hacking
11.4 Self-protection while online
11.5 Psychological theories of cybercrime
12.1 The Flagler Dog Track incident
12.2 Alexa a witness to murder? Prosecutor’s seek Amazon Echo data
12.3 Video game systems and digital evidence
12.4 Digital evidence and real-world crime
13.1 An example of how the MD5 algorithm works
13.2 The Adam Walsh Act
13.3 State (Ohio) vs. Cook (2002)
13.4 Example of partition recovery
13.5 Data sectors
14
13.6 Slack space
13.7 An example of encryption
14.1 A fictional search warrant
14.2 A fictional search warrant
14.3 Double jeopardy
14.4 Excerpt from Apple’s “Message to Our Customers”
14.5 An excerpt from the US Federal Rules of Evidence
14.6 An excerpt from the Indian Evidence Act of 1972 (Section 65A and 65B)
15.1 Understanding changes in ransomware
15.2 Examining the harassment experienced by Leslie Jones on Twitter
15.3 Understanding the Burgernet in the Netherlands
15.4 Investigating Tor users
15
Chapter 1
Technology and Cybercrime
Chapter goals
• Explain how technology has affected human behavior.
• Identify the difference between digital natives and digital immigrants.
• Discuss the three ways in which technology can be abused by individuals.
• Recognize a subculture and their role in offending behaviors.
• Identify the differences between cyberdeviance, cybercrime, and
cyberterror.
• Understand how computers and technology produce digital evidence and
its value in criminal investigation .
• Explain the factors that make cybercrimes attractive to certain people.
• Explore the various forms of cybercrime that occur across the world.
16
Introduction
The Internet, computers, and mobile technologies have dramatically reshaped modern
society. Although it is difficult to comprehend, less than two decades ago most
individuals did not own a cell phone and personal computers were still somewhat
expensive pieces of equipment. Individuals could not text and email was uncommon.
Internet connectivity was possible through dial-up modems or Ethernet cabling and
people paid by the hour for access to the Web. Video game systems used 16-bit graphics
and did not connect to other devices. Global Positioning Systems (GPS) were largely
used in military applications only.
Today, most of the world now depends on computers, the Internet, and cellular
technology. Individuals now own laptops that are connected via Wi-Fi, cell phones that
may also connect to the Internet, and one or more video game systems that may be
networked. In addition, people have multiple email accounts for personal and business
use, as well as social networking profiles in multiple platforms. Cell phones have become
a preferred method of communication for most people, especially text messages. In fact,
individuals under the age of 20 regularly send more texts than any other age group, and
prefer to send texts rather than make phone calls (Zickuhr, 2011). Individuals also
frequently purchase goods online and are increasingly using e-readers for books and
newspapers rather than traditional print media.
It is amazing to consider that the world and human behavior have changed so quickly
through the use of technology. In fact, there are now 3.4 billion Internet users
worldwide, comprising 46.1 percent of the world’s population (Internet Live Stats, 2016).
China and India have the largest population of Internet users, though only 55 percent
and 34 percent of their total populations have access (Internet Live Stats, 2016). The USA,
Brazil, and Japan have the next largest populations, though a much greater proportion of
their populations have access (88.5%, 66.4%, and 91.1% respectively: Internet Live Stats,
2016). (sự tăng sinh)
The proliferation of technology has led to distinct changes in how individuals engage
with the world around them. People now shop, communicate, and share information in
digital formats, which was previously impossible. Additional changes in behavior are
likely to continue in the face of technological innovations as they are developed and
implemented. In fact, the sociologist Howard Odum referred to this process as
technicways, recognizing the ways in which behavior patterns change in response to, or
as consequence of, technological innovations (Odum, 1937; Parker, 1943; Vance, 1972).
From Odum’s perspective, technic-ways replace existing behavior patterns and force
institutional changes in society (Vance, 1972). For instance, if an individual 30 years ago
wanted to communicate with other people, he/she might call them, see them in person if
possible, or more likely send a letter through postal mail. Now, however, that person
17
would send a text, write an email, instant message, or poke them through Facebook
rather than write a letter through “snail mail.”
The impacts of technicways are evident across all demographic groups in modern
society. For instance, 77 percent of Americans owned a smart phone as of 2016, with
substantial access among younger populations: 92 percent of 18- to 29-year-olds have one
(Smith, 2017). In addition, there are over 1 billion mobile phone subscribers each in
China and India (Rai, 2016). Importantly, China has over 500 million smartphone users,
while India has only 125 million. As these rates continue to increase Internet use will
change, transforming social and economic interactions in unique ways from country to
country (Rai, 2016).
This is evident in the fact that many people around the world use social media as a
means to connect and engage with others in different ways. For instance, 79 percent of
American adults use Facebook, though there has been a substantial increase in the use of
Instagram and LinkedIn as a means to communicate (Greenwood, Perrin, and Duggan,
2016). Adults aged 65 and older are joining these sites at the highest rates compared to
other age groups. In addition, Americans appear to use the Facebook messenger app
more than any other product available (Schwartz, 2016). WhatsApp is much more
popular in a global context, and is the number one messaging application across much of
South America, Western Europe, Africa, and Asia. Viber, however, is much more
popular across Eastern Europe, particularly Belarus, Ukraine, and other nations in the
region (Schwartz, 2016).
Despite regional variations in use, technology has had a massive impact on youth
populations who have never experienced life without the Internet and computermediated communications (CMCs) like email and texting. Today, youth in the USA
acquire their first cell phones when they are between the ages of 12 and 13 (Lenhart,
2010). Similar use patterns are evident across the globe, with children in the UK
receiving a phone by an average age of 11 (Gibbs, 2013), and 12 in a study of Japan,
India, Indonesia, Egypt, and Chile (GSM Association, 2012).
18
For more information on statistics of social media and technology use, go
online to:
1. www.pewinternet.org/
2. www.huffingtonpost.com/april-rudin/life-on-a-social-mediais_b_4600429.html
(thực sự đã định hình và uốn nắn hành vi của họ)
(đơn giản là dịch chuyển)
Technology has not simply shifted the behaviors of youth, but has actually shaped and
molded their behavior and worldview from the start. Most people born in the mid- to
late 1980s have never lived without computers, the Internet, or cell phones. As a
consequence, they do not know a world without these devices and what life was like
without these resources. Thus, Prensky (2001) argued that these youth are digital
natives, in that they were brought into a world that was already digital, spend large
amounts of time in digital environments, and use technological resources in their day-today lives. For instance, individuals between the ages of 18 and 34 are the most heavy
Internet users worldwide (Statistica, 2015). Virtually everyone (96%) aged 16 to 24 in the
UK accesses the Internet on a mobile device (Office for National Statistics, 2015). Young
people are also more likely to use auto-delete messaging applications like Snapchat,
comprising 56 percent of Internet users in a recent US study (Greenwood et al., 2016). In
fact, youth in India and Indonesia send an average of 51 text or application-based
messages a day via a mobile device (GSM Association, 2012).
By contrast, digital immigrants are those who were born prior to the creation of the
Internet and digital technologies (Prenksy, 2001). These individuals quite often need to
adapt to the digital environment, which changes much more rapidly than they may be
prepared for otherwise. This is especially true for many older individuals who were born
decades before the creation and advent of these technologies. As a consequence, they
may be less willing to immediately adopt these resources or use them in diverse ways.
For instance, only 45 percent of adults in the USA over the age of 65 own either a laptop
or desktop computer (Zickuhr, 2011). In addition, some resources may be more difficult
for digital immigrants to understand because of the technologies employed or their
perceived utility. For example, only 9 percent of US adults aged 50 and older were likely
to use an app like Snapchat, and less than 1 percent accessed services like YikYak
(Greenwood et al., 2016). Similarly, only 29 percent of people aged 65 years and older in
the UK used the Internet on a mobile device (Office for National Statistics, 2015). Thus,
digital immigrants have a very different pattern of adoption and use of technologies
relative to digital natives.
The proliferation of technology in modern society has had a massive impact on
(đang được cơ cấu lại)
human behavior. The world is being restructured around the use of CMCs, affecting the
way in which we interact with governments, businesses, and one another. In addition,
19
technology use is also creating a divide between generations based on the way in which
individuals use technology in their day-to-day lives. In turn, individuals are adapting
their behavior in ways that subvert the original beneficial design and application of
computers and the Internet. lật đổ
20
(môi trường/bối cảnh)
Technology as a landscape for crime
sự tiến hóa
(đổi mới)
The continuing evolution of human behavior as a result of technological innovations has
created unparalleled opportunities for crime and misuse. Over the past three decades,
(cơ hội chưa từng có)
there has been a substantive increase in the use of technology by street criminals and
đáng kể
novel applications of technology to create new forms of crime that did not previously
(nơi/địa điểm )
exist. The World Wide Web and the Internet also provide a venue for individuals who
engage in crime and deviance to communicate and share information, which is not
(sự lệch lạc)
(thiết yếu)
otherwise possible in the real world. As a result, it is vital that we begin to understand
how these changes are occurring, and what this means for offending in the twenty-first
century. There are three key ways in which computer and cellular technologies may be
abused or subverted by offenders:
(bị lạm dụng hoặc bị lật đổ)
(phương tiện để giao tiếp)
(nền văn hóa trực tuyến)
1. as a medium for communication and the development of subcultures online;
chế)
2. as a(cơmechanism
to target sensitive resources and engage in crime and deviance;
tạo điều kiện
3. as an incidental device to facilitate the offense and provide evidence of
(ngẫu nhiên)
criminal activity both online and offline.
Technology as a communications medium
The Internet, telephony, and digital media may be used as a means for communication
(nhanh chóng)
(phi tập trung)
toàn cầu
between individuals in a rapid and decentralized fashion across the globe. Computers,
cell phones, and technological equipment may be obtained at minimal cost and used
(sự ẩn danh)
with a high degree of anonymity. For instance, major retailers and convenience stores
sell phones that may be used without a contract through a carrier like Sprint or Verizon.
The ability to use the phone depends on the number of minutes purchased and it can be
(xử lý)
disposed of after use.
In turn, criminals can use these devices to connect with others and share information
(gái mại dâm)
(diễn đàn)
that may be of interest. For example, the customers of prostitutes use web forums and
chatrooms to discuss where sex workers are located, services provided, pricing, and the
police presence in a given area (Holt and Blevins, 2007; Holt, Blevins, and Kuhns, 2008;
(chỉ đạo)
Sharp and Earle, 2003). This exchange of first-hand information is difficult to conduct in
dấu hiệu bên ngoài
khác
the real world, as there are no outward signs to otherwise suggest that someone is
interested in or has visited a prostitute. In addition, there is a high degree of social
sự kỳ thị
stigma and shame surrounding paying for sex, so it is unlikely that someone would
admit this behavior to another person in public (McKeganey and Barnard, 1996;
O’Connell Davidson, 1998). The faceless, anonymous nature of the Internet, however,
sự trả thù
allows people to talk about such actions with little risk of harm or reprisal.
chất ma túy
The sale of illicit narcotics like cocaine, marijuana, and methamphetamines has also
trái phép
21
moved online with the development of markets where individuals buy and sell narcotics
through various methods. The primary resources used by sellers and buyers are forums
phần
operating on the so-called Dark Web, which is a portion of the Internet that can only be
mã hóa
phần mềm
accessed via the use of specialized encryption software and browser protocols.
Individuals can only access these forums through the use of The Onion Router, or TOR
service, which is a free proxy and encryption protocol that hides the IP address and
location details of the user (Barratt, Ferris, and Winstock, 2014; Dolliver, 2015). In
addition, the content of these sites cannot be indexed by google or other search engines.
As a result, this technology limits the ability of law enforcement agencies to eliminate
illicit content because the hosting source cannot be identified through traditional means
(Dolliver, 2015; Estes, 2014).
For more information on TOR, including how it operates, go online to:
www.torproject.org/about/overview.html.en.
sự nổi bật
One of the first Tor-based narcotics markets that gained prominence was called the
Silk Road. The market gained attention from researchers and the popular media due to
the nature of the products sold, and the fact that transactions were paid using bitcoins, a
relatively anonymous form of electronic currency (Franklin, 2013). The site was created
to enable individuals to buy various materials ranging from computer equipment to
clothing, though sellers offered various narcotics from locations across the globe. In fact,
its name was a reference to the trade routes used to transport goods between Europe,
India, and Asia throughout history (Franklin, 2013).
As the Silk Road gained prominence as a venue for the sale of various narcotics, law
tiến hành
enforcement agencies in both the USA and Australia conducted sting operations against
buyers. In fact, since it opened in 2011 the Silk Road enabled over one million
doanh thu
transactions worth an estimated $1.2 billion in revenue (Barratt, 2012). An FBI
investigation into the site administrator, who used the handle Dread Pirate Roberts, led
to the arrest of Ross William Ulbricht in San Francisco, California on October 2, 2013
gạ gẫm/xúi giục
(Gibbs, 2013). Ulbricht was charged with drug trafficking, soliciting murder, enabling
computer hacking and money laundering, and had several million dollars’ worth of
rửa tiền
bitcoins seized.
bị tịch thu
22
For more information on the arrest of Dread Pirate Roberts, go online to:
http://arstechnica.com/tech-policy/2013/10/how-the-feds-took-down-the-dreadpirate-roberts/.
chứng tỏ
phân bố/
phân tán
tính chất/bản chất
The Silk Road demonstrates that the distributed nature of the Internet and CMCs
enables individuals to connect to other people and groups that share similar likes,
tạo điều kiện thuận lợi
dislikes, behaviors, opinions, and values. As a result, technology facilitates the creation
bất kể
of subcultures between individuals based on common behaviors and ideals regardless of
địa lý
geographic or social isolation. From a sociological and criminological perspective,
subcultures are groups that have their own values, norms, traditions, and rituals which
tách no ra khỏi
thống trị
set them apart from the dominant culture (Kornblum, 1997; Brake, 1980).
cấu trúc
Participants in subcultures generate their own codes of conduct to structure the ways
tạo ra
in which they interact with other members of the subculture and different groups in
society (Foster, 1990). In addition, membership in a subculture influences individual
behavior by providing beliefs, goals, and values that approve of and justify activity
(Herbert, 1998). For instance, a subculture may emphasize the development of skills and
abilities that may find less value in the general culture, like an ability to use multiple
programming languages and manipulate hardware and software among computer
hackers (Holt, 2007; Jordan and Taylor, 1998; Taylor, 1999). Members of a subculture also
lập luận riêng
have their own argot or slang to communicate with others and protect their discussions
trình diễn thực tế
from outsiders (Maurer, 1981). The use of this language can serve as a practical
demonstration of membership in any subculture. Thus, subcultures provide members
with a way to gauge their reputation, status, and adherence to the values and beliefs of
đánh giá
danh tiếng
tuân thủ
the group.
vô số tiểu
There are myriad subcultures in modern society, many involving both online and
offline experiences. However, not all subcultures are deviant, and you can also be a
member of several subcultures at once. For instance, you may belong to a subculture of
sports team fans (whether football, basketball, or any athletics) if you: (1) enjoy watching
their games, (2) know the statistics for your favorite players, (3) know the historic events
in your team’s previous seasons, and (4) you debate with others over who may be the
best players in certain positions. Similar subcultures exist for gardening, fashion, cars,
movies, and other behaviors. Finding others who share your interests can be beneficial,
as it allows for social connectivity and a way to channel your interests in positive ways.
23
For examples of various subcultures with a heavy online presence, go online to:
http://abcnews.go.com/ABC_Univision/Entertainment/subcultures-strong-onlinepresence/story?id=18511594#1.
hiện ra
In much the same way, subcultures can emerge on and offline for those with an
interest in certain forms of crime and deviance (Quinn and Forsyth, 2005). Technology
allows individuals to connect to others without fear of reprisal or social rejection, and
even enables individuals who are curious about a behavior or activity to learn more in
phát hiện/nhận ra
an online environment without fear of detection (Blevins and Holt, 2009; Holt, 2007;
cho phép
sự hình thành
Quinn and Forsyth, 2005). New technologies also enable the formation of and
dễ dàng hơn
participation in multiple subcultures with greater ease than is otherwise possible offline.
dễ dàng
In fact, individuals can readily communicate subcultural knowledge through email and
xúc phạm
kỹ thuật
other CMCs, such as techniques
of offending, which may reduce their risk of detection
from victims and law enforcement (Holt et al., 2008; Holt and Copes, 2010). Because of
the prominence of technology as a means to communicate with others, this book will
focus extensively on the role of online subcultures to facilitate crime and deviance in
virtual and real-world environments.
For more information on the current state of online subcultures, go online to:
www.highsnobiety.com/2015/03/11/internet-subcultures-health-goth-seapunk/.
Technology as a target of or means to engage in crime
sử dụng sai
nguy hiểm
The second way in which technology can be misused is much more insidious – as a
24
resource for individuals to attack and to cause harm to individuals, businesses, and
khả năng
governments both online and offline. Many devices in our daily lives have the capability
to connect to the Internet, from mp3 players to desktop computers. These technologies
contain sensitive pieces of information, ranging from our shopping habits to usernames
and passwords for bank and email accounts. Since these devices can communicate with
one another, individuals can potentially gain access to this information through various
methods of computer hacking (see Chapter 3 for more details).
While hacking is often thought to involve highly skilled individuals with a significant
thường được cho là
understanding of technology, the simple act of guessing someone’s email or computer
password could be defined as a hack (Bossler and Burruss, 2011; Skinner and Fream,
trái phép
Đạt được
1997). Gaining unauthorized access to personal information online is often key to
definitions of hacking, as an individual is attempting to gain entry into protected
systems or data (see Schell and Dodge, 2002; Wall, 2001). In turn, that information, such
as who a person talks to or which financial institution they choose for banking purposes,
can be used to cause additional harm. In fact, research on college students suggests that
between 10 and 25 percent of undergraduates have tried to guess someone else’s
password (Holt, Burruss, and Bossler 2010; Rogers, Smoak, and Liu, 2006; Skinner and
được tập hợp
Fream, 1997). Thus, the information that can be assembled about our activities online
may be compromised and used by others to cause financial or emotional harm.
bị xâm phạm
For more information on
http://passwordsgenerator.net/.
creating
passwords,
go
online
to:
Similarly, some hackers target websites and resources in order to cause harm or to
tư tưởng
express a political or ideological message. Often, the hacker and activist community use
web defacement in order to spread a message and cause harm at the same time
(Brenner, 2008; Denning, 2001, 2011; Kilger, 2011). Web defacements are an act of online
sự phá hoại
trong đó
vandalism wherein an individual replaces the existing HTML code for a web page with
an image and message that they create. For example, a person may try to deface the
làm xấu mặt
website for the White House (www.whitehouse.gov) and replace the content with a
message that they want others to see. Although this is an inconvenience and
embarrassment to the site owner, it may be more malicious if the defacer chooses to
độc hại
delete the original content entirely.
Defacements have become a regular tool for politically motivated hackers and actors
thể hiện
về mặt chính trị
25
to express their opinions, and have been used around many hot-button social events. For
instance, the Turkish hacker community began a widespread campaign of web
defacements following the publication of a cartoon featuring an image of the prophet
Mohammed with a bomb in his turban (Holt, 2009; Ward, 2006). Many Muslims were
deeply offended by this image, and Turkish hackers began to deface websites owned by
the Danish newspaper which published the cartoon, along with any other site that
reposted the image. The defacements were conducted in support of the Islamic religion
and to express outrage over the way in which their faith was being portrayed in the
popular media (Holt, 2009; Ward, 2006). Thus, motivated actors who want to cause harm
or express an opinion may view various resources online as a target.
For more on web defacements and images of such content, go online to:
www.zone-h.org.
Defining computer misuse and abuse
một phương tiện truyền thông
Since technology may be used both as a communications medium and a target for
cơ sở hạ tầng
cấu thành
quan trọng
phân định
attacks against digital targets and infrastructure, it is vital to delineate what constitutes
the abuse and misuse of technology. For instance, the term deviance is used to refer to a
behavior that may not be illegal, though it is outside of the formal and informal norms
thịnh hành
or beliefs of the prevailing culture. There are many forms of deviance, depending on
societal norms and societal contexts. For instance, texting and using Facebook while in
gây rối
class may not be illegal, but it is disruptive and generally frowned upon by faculty and
administrators. The same is true in movie theaters and other public settings. Therefore,
texting and using Facebook could be viewed as deviant in the context of certain
situations and locations, but may not be illegal otherwise. The fact that this activity is
gây ra/sanh ra
engendered by technology may allow it to be referred to as cyberdeviance.
thích hợp
A more pertinent example of cyberdeviance is evident in the creation and use of
cực kỳ
pornography. The Internet has made it exceedingly easy for individuals to view
pornographic images and videos, as well as to make these materials through the use of
webcams, cell phone cameras, and digital photography. It is legal for anyone over the
age of 18 to either access pornographic images or star in these films and media. If the
larger community shares the view that pornography is morally wrong, then viewing
26
these materials may be considered deviant in that area. Therefore, it is not illegal to
vi phạm
engage in this activity; rather it simply violates local norms and belief systems, making it
a deviant behavior.
các quy định pháp lý được luật hóa
Activities that violate codified legal statutes move from deviance to criminal acts. In
luật hóa
the context of pornography, if an individual is under the age of 18 in the USA, they are
not legally allowed to either create or view pornographic images. Therefore, such an act
is considered a crime because it carries legal sanctions. The criminal statutes in the USA
at both the state and federal level recognize a variety of offenses in the real world.
áp dụng nhanh chóng
tạo điều kiện
The rapid adoption and use of technology in order to facilitate criminal activity,
however, have led to the creation of several terms in order to properly classify these
xuất hiện
behaviors. Specifically, cybercrime and computer crime emerged a few decades ago to
refer to the unique way in which technology is used to facilitate criminal activity.
ám chỉ
thủ phạm
Cybercrime refers to crimes “in which the perpetrator uses special knowledge of
không gian mạng
cyberspace,” while computer crimes occur because “the perpetrator uses special
knowledge about computer technology” (Furnell, 2002: 21; Wall, 2001). In the early days
làm rõ
of computing, the difference between these terms was useful to clarify how technology
hợp nhất
was incorporated into the offense. The fact that almost every computer is now connected
giảm đi
phân đoạn
to the Internet in some way has diminished the need to segment these two acts (Wall,
hầu như đồng nghĩa
2007). In addition, they have become virtually synonymous in both academic circles and
popular media. As a result, this book will use the term “cybercrime” due to the range of
crimes that can occur through the use of online environments and the massive number
of computers and mobile devices that are connected to the Internet.
Thiên nhiên không biên giới
The borderless nature of the Internet complicates the criminal justice response to
crime and deviance, since the ways in which nations define an act do not generally
cản trở
hinder individuals from accessing content. Using the example of pornography, it is legal
to produce and access this content in the USA and in most other parts of the globe.
Islamic majority nations like Iran and Saudi Arabia, however, have banned and made it
illegal to access pornography due to their religious beliefs (Wall, 2001, 2007). Other
countries like Sweden, however, place minimal restrictions on the production of
thú tính
pornographic content, including images of animals or “bestiality.” Although it is illegal
to create or view this content in the USA and in most other nations, individuals can
access bestiality, violent, or unusual pornographic material from across the globe,
regardless of their nation’s laws, due to the connectivity afforded by the Internet
thi hành
(Brenner, 2008; Wall, 2007). Thus, it is difficult to restrict or enforce local laws on
individual conduct because of the ability to access content globally.
hành vi/ứng xử cá nhân
27
Fig. 1.1 Venn diagram of cybercrime, cyberterrorism, and cyberdeviance
The intersection of cybercrime and cyberdeviance is also related to the emerging
problem of cyberterrorism (see Figure 1.1 for details). This term emerged in the mid1990s as technology began to play an increasingly significant role in all aspects of society
(Denning, 2001; Britz, 2010). There is no single accepted definition of cyberterrorism,
though many recognize this behavior as the use of digital technology or computermediated communications to cause harm and force social change based on ideological or
sự cố
political beliefs (Brenner, 2008; Britz, 2010). Although there are few known incidents of
sự phổ biến
cyberterrorism that have occurred over the past two decades, the ubiquity of technology
cực đoan
could allow extremist groups like Al Qaeda to target military systems containing
tạo ra thương mại
sensitive information, financial service systems that engender commerce, power grids,
cơ sở hạ tầng trọng yếu
switching stations, and other critical infrastructure necessary to maintain basic services.
chiến thuật
Criminals may also attack these targets using similar tactics, making it difficult to
separate acts of cyberterror from cybercrime (Brenner, 2008).
For more information on the technologies supporting power grids, go online to:
www.tofinosecurity.com/blog/scada-cyber-securityinternational-issue.
In order to classify these phenomena, it is necessary to consider both the motive of the
attacker and the scope of harm caused. For instance, criminal acts often target single
28
trong khi
individuals and may be motivated by economic or other objectives, whereas terrorist
attacks are often driven by a political motive and are designed to not only hurt or kill
innocents but also to strike fear into the larger population (Brenner, 2008; Britz, 2010). In
addition, the communications capability afforded by the Internet creates an interesting
cực đoan
intersection between cyberdeviance and cyberterror. For example, members of extremist
and hate groups increasingly depend on web forums and blogs to post their views to
audiences across the globe. In fact, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) uses
tuyển dụng và cực đoan hóa
Twitter and other social media platforms as a means to recruit and radicalize individuals,
as well as to promote their agenda (see Chapter 10 for more details). The laws of a given
country may not allow such language, as in Germany where it is illegal to post Nazirelated content (Wall, 2001). In the USA, though, such speech is protected under the First
Amendment of the Constitution; therefore, the act of using online forums to express an
opinion largely unsupported by society is deviant rather than illegal behavior.
It is not always possible to identify cleanly and clearly the nature of some
đáng kể
cyberattacks, as is evident in the substantial number of attacks by hackers around the
world who belong to the collective Anonymous. The origins of Anonymous stem from
the image board 4chan, where people upload and share images with one another without
revealing any personal information about themselves (Olson, 2012). Individuals
continuously posting pictures without identifying themselves led to the popularity of the
kết tinh
idea of Anonymous as a real person. This crystallized in 2004 when one of the 4chan
administrators implemented a “Forced_Anon” protocol signing all posts to Anonymous
(Olson, 2012). As a result, this led to the acceptance of a collective identity of
Anonymous centering on the idea that the Internet is an outlet that has no limits or
boundaries.
khuyến khích nhận thức và công nhận
The group encourages awareness and recognition of individuals who are engaging in
either illicit activities or unacceptable actions that harm society. There is no way to
identify a member of Anonymous; instead they are a collection of individuals who
support an idea or goal without the need for individual recognition (Olson, 2012). In
most of their online communications, they use the following language as an expression
of these values: “We are Anonymous. We are Legion. We do not forgive. We do not
forget. Expect us.” The group also uses Guy Fawkes masks and a body wearing a black
suit with a question mark for a head in representation of the anonymous nature of the
group. There is also no necessary leadership of Anonymous.
lĩnh hội
They are often perceived as hacktivists in the general media, since they use DDoS
attacks, group-based research, email hacking, and other techniques in order to affect a
target. For instance, one of the first targets of the group was a white supremacist radio
show host named Hal Turner. Members of Anonymous DDoSed his site offline, causing
tiếp theo/sau đó
thousands of dollars in losses (Olson, 2012). A subsequent attack by individuals
associated with Anonymous targeted the Support Online Hip Hop (SOHH) website and
chê bai
its forums. Individuals in the SOHH forum made disparaging comments against
Anonymous in June 2008. Their website was then attacked in two stages. The first attack
used DDoS tools to knock out access followed by a series of web defacements adding
29
Nazi images and racial language to change the site content (Reid, 2008). Shortly
thereafter, Anonymous accessed and shared personal information for a teenage boy who
ran the site “No Cussing Club” (Olson, 2012). The boy’s family was harassed by
individuals associated with the group, including hate mail and obscene phone calls.
Following these attacks, the focus of Anonymous turned toward social activism in
support of free access to information. For instance, the group engaged in a DDoS attack
against multiple targets in both the music and private industries in a campaign called
“Operation Payback.” The attacks began in September 2010 as retaliation against antipiracy initiatives started by media companies in order to reduce access to copyrighted
materials online. The attacks expanded to include Sony and their PlayStation Network in
2011. The company began to crack down on attempts to pirate games and media, such as
a lawsuit against a hacker who released information on techniques to download
PlayStation 2 video games (Olson, 2012). Anonymous members used the Low Orbit Ion
Cannon attack tool to engage in a DDoS campaign that took down the Play-Station
Network for hours and days at a time. They also accessed and released personal
information of PlayStation users obtained by hacking (Olson, 2012). Their involvement in
a variety of attacks and hacktivist operations has continued throughout the past few
years, targeting governments, law enforcement, and industrial targets.
Taken as a whole, Anonymous does not appear to hack for economic gain. The
absence of consistent ideological justifications for their Anonymous actions makes it
difficult to classify their attacks as acts of cyberterrorism. Although scholars differ as to
cấu thành
whether Anonymous constitutes
cybercriminals or terrorists, their actions demonstrate
có liên quan với nhau
that cybercrime, terror, and deviance are all interrelated and share common elements
due to the nature of online environments.
What makes cybercrime and deviance attractive?
The rise of cyberdeviance, cybercrime, and cyberterror has led many to question why
some people choose to engage in wrongdoing in virtual environments. There are several
unique factors that may account for offending online, most especially the availability of
quan trọng nhất
có ở khắp mọi nơi
technology in the modern world. First and foremost, the ubiquity of technology makes it
tương đối dễ dàng
easy for individuals to gain access to the tools necessary to offend with relative ease. The
về cơ bản
prices of laptop and desktop computers have dropped substantially over the past decade,
making it easy to acquire this equipment. For instance, the price of laptop PCs decreased
from an average of $1,640 in 2001 to $1,000 in 2005 (Associated Press, 2005). The price has
cầm tay
continued to drop, and these devices now compete with even smaller portable
computers, like the iPad and smart phones, that can connect to the Internet through
cellular technology. As a result, offenders can readily acquire and access information
from anywhere through these resources. If a person cannot afford to buy these devices
on their own, they can always use computers in Internet cafés and public libraries for
free or for a small cost. Thus, there are minimal barriers to computer technology
30
globally.
phạm vi
In addition, there is a wide range of cybercrimes that can be performed dependent
upon the individual’s technical skill. Some forms of cybercrime require a great deal of
skill and proficiency, though simple offenses may be performed with minimal
investment on the part of the offender. For instance, anyone can download pirated music
or movies from online environments or post an ad for sexual encounters on craigslist or
another website.
một hệ số nhân lực
Technology also acts as a force multiplier in that computers and CMCs allow a single
kế hoạch/âm mưu
person to engage in crimes that otherwise involve multiple people or complex schemes in
order to target victims (Brenner, 2008; Taylor, Fritsch, Liederbach, and Holt, 2010). For
cố gắng/nỗ lực
instance, if a criminal attempts to rob a person in the real world, they must often target
đáng sợ
single individuals due to the difficulty in intimidating and managing groups of people.
The offender must also try to determine in advance if the individual he is attempting to
rob has money, jewelry, or other goods that are of value.
In online environments, offenders can target thousands of victims at a time,
worldwide, within seconds. For example, individuals regularly send out unsolicited
thu hoạch
emails, called spam, to thousands of victims using addresses harvested from information
posted on public websites (Holt and Graves, 2007; King and Thomas, 2009; Wall, 2004).
For instance, public universities often post the addresses of professors, faculty, and staff
đối chiếu
on their websites. In turn, individuals can copy and collate these addresses into lists and
use them to send a variety of different spam messages. In fact, one of the most common
forms of spam message appears to originate in part from Nigeria, where the sender
claims to be foreign royalty, bankers, or attorneys who need assistance in moving large
sums of money (Holt and Graves, 2007; King and Thomas, 2009; Wall, 2004). They
request information from the email recipients like names, addresses, phone numbers, and
thực hiện
bank account details so that they can reuse the information to commit identity theft or
bank fraud. Since few people fall for this sort of scheme, sending out thousands of
khả năng xảy ra
messages increases the likelihood that a victim may respond. Thus, fraudsters increase
the likelihood of success by targeting thousands of victims simultaneously.
đồng thời
For more information on the rate of spam distribution, go online to:
https://securelist.com/all/?category=442.
The risk of detection from law enforcement is much lower in online environments
Nguy cơ bị phát hiện
31
than in the real world. Offenders in the real world must take several steps to reduce the
likelihood that their actual identity can be determined. For example, robbers may wear a
mask or baggy clothing to conceal their face and build (Miller, 1998; Wright and Decker,
cải trang
1997). They may also try to disguise their voice by speaking in a higher or lower tone.
Victims may be able to recall information about the offender and video cameras may
capture the incident on film, making it harder to hide the offense from police.
These issues are largely absent in online environments, since it is easier for offenders
to conceal their real identity (Wall, 2001). The faceless nature of the Internet makes it
easy for individuals to hide their gender, age, or race in various ways. A profile in a
social networking site like Facebook or email account can be created using false
information through Google, Yahoo, or Hotmail. This false account may be used to send
threatening or harassing messages to others to help conceal their true identity (Bocij,
2004). Similarly, various technological resources are designed to hide a person’s location
from others. For example, Tor, the service used by individuals to access the Silk Road, is
a form of proxy server that may be used to hide a computer’s location by acting as an
intermediary between a computer and the servers and systems to which it connects
through the Internet. If we try to access Google from a PC using a proxy, the command
will be routed through a service that will make the request on our behalf and send the
information back to us. In turn, the servers at Google will not register our computer as
the one making the request, but rather associate it with the proxy server. Some offenders
are even able to route their web and email traffic through other people’s computers in
order to minimize the likelihood that they are caught (see Chapter 4 for more details).
For more on proxy servers, go online to:
1. www.publicproxyservers.com.
2. http://proxy4free.com.
32
Cybercrimes are also attractive for some actors based on the laws of their nation.
Since individuals can target victims across the world, local laws make a significant
công nghiệp hóa
difference to who and what an offender targets. Many industrialized nations have laws
truy tố
against cybercrimes, increasing the risk of prosecution and investigation for offenders if
caught (Brenner, 2008). Therefore, attacking people within that country may increase the
likelihood of being prosecuted. If, however, a country does not allow their citizens to be
bị dẫn độ
extradited to another country to face prosecution for crimes, then the actor cannot be
successfully investigated (Brenner, 2008). For instance, there is no treaty allowing
Russian citizens who engage in attacks against US citizens to be brought to the USA for
prosecution. Russian criminals cannot be extradited for these offenses and may generally
receive no punishment for their actions (see Box 1.1 for an example). In turn, it is
extremely difficult to deter or sanction cybercriminals in foreign countries, which may
encourage attacks against certain countries with no consequences.
Box 1.1 Getting around Russian extradition laws
www.nbcnews.com/id/3078784#.WNbZom_ytQI.
FBI agent charged with hacking
Russia alleges agent broke law by downloading evidence
In a first in the rapidly evolving field of cyberspace law, Russia’s counterintelligence service on Thursday
filed criminal charges against an FBI agent it says lured two Russian hackers to the United States, then
illegally seized evidence against them by downloading data from their computers in Chelyabinsk, Russia.
This article provides interesting insights into the challenges posed by cybercrime
investigations that cross national boundaries.
By contrast, some developing nations may not have laws against computer misuse. If
there are no laws, then the nation serves as a sort of “safe haven” for actors where they
can operate with minimal risk of legal sanctions (Brenner, 2008; Holt, 2003). This was
được ví dụ
exemplified in the creation of the ILOVEYOU virus that spread around the world in 2000.
phần mềm độc hại
This form of malware attacked millions of computers and spread through infected email
làm tê liệt
attachments, effectively crippling the Internet at the time (Poulsen, 2010). The program
33
started in the Philippines on May 4, 2000 and spread across the world in a single day. It is
thought to have been created by a Filipino college student named Onel de Guzman,
based on the start of the program from Manila and his interest in hacking (Poulsen,
2010). At the time, there were no laws against writing malware in the Philippines,
making prosecutors unable to pursue de Guzman. Thus, the absence of laws can make it
extremely difficult to combat cybercrimes internationally.
khó khăn đáng kể
Taken as a whole, the global reach of the Internet has created substantial difficulties
for law enforcement agencies at home and abroad to enforce cybercrime laws globally.
kết cấu
The structure of policing, especially in the USA, establishes guidelines for the
investigation of crimes at the local, state, and federal level. Offenses that occur within a
ranh giới pháp lý
thành phố địa phương
single jurisdictional boundary are often the responsibility of local municipal police
departments or sheriffs’ departments, while those that cross state or national boundaries
are handled by state or federal agencies. Many cybercriminals may not live within the
same region as their victim (Holt, 2003; Wall, 1998), though, even if they were in the
same region, a victim may have no idea where the offender actually resides. This creates
giảm đi
significant confusion as to the appropriate agency to contact, and diminishes the amount
of cybercrime reported to law enforcement (Goodman, 1997; Wall, 1998). In fact, this
đếm thiếu
under-counting is referred to as “the dark figure” of cybercrime, in that the true number
of offenses is unknown.
vốn có
One reason for the lack of reporting is the inherent difficulty in recognizing when
illegal activities have taken place. Individuals may be completely unaware that they have
been the victim of cybercrime until it is too late. For example, failures in computer
phần cứng và phần mềm
hardware and software may be either the result of an error in the equipment, or a direct
tần suất xảy ra
result of criminal activities designed to hide their occurrence. Many in the general public
phân biệt
nguyên nhân sâu xa
do not have the skills necessary to discern the root cause, making it hard to know when
thỏa hiệp
some sort of compromise has taken place. Since cybercriminals attempt to target as
many victims as possible, it is also difficult to identify any patterns for risky behavior
online (Bossler
and Holt, 2009). Finally, protective software programs designed to reduce
nguy cơ trở thành nạn nhân
individual risk of victimization do not always work. Approximately 25 percent of
personal computers around the world that use a variety of security solutions have
phần mềm độc hại
malicious software, such as a virus, loaded into their memory (PandaLabs, 2007).
The embarrassment, shame, or harm that may come from reporting cybercrime
victimization also reduces the likelihood of contacting law enforcement. For instance,
Nigerian email scams often target naïve individuals who believe that an unlikely claim
may be valid. Reporting that they have been defrauded may be substantially
embarrassing and thereby diminish the likelihood of reporting. Within corporate and
government computing environments, there are several issues that may reduce the
likelihood of reporting when a cybercrime has occurred. For instance, a company may
lose customers or overall stock value if they report that their systems have been
gây ra sự che đậy
compromised. Embarrassment over the loss of sensitive information may engender
cover-ups or diminished reporting in order to reduce the loss of business.
Taken as a whole, technology affords multiple unique advantages for offenders that
34
are not necessarily present in the real world. Technology is readily available across the
globe, providing offenders with widespread access to resources. The number of people
vô số nạn nhân tiềm năng
online provides a wealth of prospective victims that can be affected with greater ease
triển vọng
than is possible in the real world. Technology also offers people the ability to hide their
actual identity behind a variety of false names and locations, making it difficult to
determine who is responsible for a criminal incident. Finally, the different legal
hợp tác
structures and cooperative agreements in place across the globe make it difficult to
successfully prosecute cyber-crimes. As a result, individuals who engage in cybercrime
and deviance face a much lower risk of detection and arrest, and may experience greater
monetary or emotional rewards from cybercrime.
monetary
tinh thần
For more information on the challenges of prosecuting cybercrimes, go online
to: www.justice.gov/criminal/cybercrime/docs/ccmanual.pdf .
Technology as evidence
The third and vaifinal
way that technology may be used in the course of an offense is
trò ngẫu nhiên
through its incidental role or involvement in a crime. In this case, the computer may
thực hiện
một thiết bị lưu trữ
either be involved in the commission of a crime or is being used merely as a storage
device (Maras, 2012). For instance, the presence of child pornography on a laptop or cell
bất cứ nơi nào nó được lưu trữ
phone suggests that it is incidental to the offence. This information, wherever it is stored,
cấu thành
constitutes digital evidence, defined as information that is either transferred or stored in
một dạng nhị phân
a binary form (Casey, 2011). Digital evidence may be anything from the browser history
of an individual to the emails, chat logs, photos present on mobile phones, GPS devices,
IoT devices, and cell phone cameras of both the victim and offenders (see Chapter 12).
có khả năng
Computers, in the traditional sense, are no longer the only devices capable of sending
emails, chatting, and browsing the Internet. Tablets, music players, and various other
devices can be connected to the Internet and provide some evidence of an individual’s
behaviors.
There are several valuable examples that help clarify what is digital evidence and
thích hợp
when it may be pertinent for various forms of crime both online and offline (Clifford,
2006; Maras, 2012). For example, BTK (Bind, Torture, Kill) was a serial killer in Kansas
(USA) from 1974 until 2005 when he was arrested and convicted of ten homicides
35
(Williams and Landwehr, 2006). The killer murdered ten people in Kansas between 1974
nằm im
and 1991 and then went dormant, though he constantly wrote letters to the media and
police describing his exploits. The investigation went cold, though the BTK Killer
chỉ ra
gán cho
indicated that he had committed another murder that had not been attributed to him.
Police then began communicating directly with BTK, when the killer asked if it was
đĩa mềm
sai lầm
tìm
possible to truy
trace
his identity on the basis of data on floppy disks. The agency erroneously
said that they could not, and BTK sent them a disk with a document discussing his
pháp y
behaviors. Using specialized computer forensic software to help process the data and
evidence located on the disk, investigators determined the location of the computer
where the disk had been opened, as well as the person who created the document. In
turn, they were able to develop detailed information about the killer and gather enough
tương lai
circumstantial evidence to suggest a prospective identity, which turned out to be a man
named Dennis Rader. He was subsequently arrested and pled guilty to the murders,
liên tiếp
receiving ten consecutive life sentences, one for each murder (Williams and Landwehr,
chung thân
2006).
nguồn gốc
Digital evidence may also be derived from online sources that may be present on
websites and social media. In fact, digital evidence collected from social media sites, such
as Facebook and Twitter, has been influential in law enforcement over the past few
years. Following the Vancouver Canucks’ loss to the Boston Bruins in the Stanley Cup
finals in 2011, a massive riot broke out in Vancouver with fans setting vehicles on fire,
breaking windows, looting stores, and dancing atop overturned cars (CBC News, 2011).
Within hours of the riot, police received over 3,500 emails that included videos, photos,
and web links to various social media sites. In addition, a “Vancouver Riot Pics”
Facebook page was created to identify those individuals involved in the riots by allowing
the public to “tag” the pictures and videos (Leger, 2011). More than 100 people were
arrested through the assistance of social media.
hầu hết
kết hợp
With virtually every crime incorporating some form of digital evidence, it is up to law
enforcement to be able to identify the possible sources of information and the locations
ngoại vi
where such information may be found. Various peripheral devices like flash drives, CDs,
DVDs, and even gaming systems may contain digital evidence that can be collected.
cải trang
Some companies even produce removable storage media that are easily disguised, such
as a pair of sunglasses or a wristband that contains a flash drive. With digital devices
being increasingly used to target, act as a tool, or provide support for criminal activities,
law enforcement and investigators must understand the nature of the digital crime scene.
For
more
on
hidden
media
devices,
www.trendhunter.com/slideshow/disguised-usb-drives.
36
go
online
to:
37
loại hình
A typology of cybercrime
gây ra
In light of the various ways in which technology engenders crime and deviance as well
bồi dưỡng
as fostering unique tactics for offending, it is necessary to understand the wide range of
cấu tạo
behaviors that constitute cybercrime. David Wall (2001) created one of the most
gói gọn
recognized typologies of cybercrime, which encapsulates behavior into one of four
xâm phạm mạng
lừa đảo và trộm cắp trên mạng
khiêu dâm trên mạng và tục tĩu
categories: (1) cyber-trespass; (2) cyber-deception and theft; (3) cyber-porn and obscenity;
and (4) cyber-violence. These categories reference the wide range of deviant, criminal,
and terrorist behaviors that have emerged using technology, as well as the subcultures
supporting offenders throughout the world.
Cyber-trespass
vượt qua ranh giới sở hữu
The first category is cyber-trespass, referring to the act of crossing boundaries of
ownership in online environments. This may seem confusing at first. If you go to a
coffee shop or restaurant, you may notice that they offer free Wi-Fi. Their network
chỉ ra
probably has a name they chose which identifies their network and indicates who
manages and is responsible for that space. In order to use the service, you must join their
network and accept the terms of service that may come up when you open your web
browser. In this instance, the coffee shop owns and manages this wireless network, but
allows others to use the connectivity. By contrast, if the shop did not offer connectivity
to customers, but you attempt to join and use their Wi-Fi anyway, you are trespassing
because you are trying to break into the network that they own without the company’s
permission.
trường hợp
xâm phạm
The issue of ownership is critical in instances of trespass, especially for computer
hackers who often attempt to access computer systems, email accounts, or protected
systems that they do not own (Furnell, 2002; Jordan and Taylor, 1998). Many in the
general public recognize hackers for their
involvement in criminal acts of trespassing
đóng góp
sensitive boundaries of ownership, contributing to the belief that hackers cause
significant harm to citizens, industry, and government alike. Although not all hackers
engage in crime, those who do cost individuals and corporations a great deal of money
each year. Individuals who are interested in computer hacking operate within a large
online subculture with participants from across the globe. They often come together
online to discuss various techniques of hacking and their attitudes toward hacking with
or without permission from system owners. Because not all hackers engage in crime,
một vết nứt
there is a rift within the subculture based on an individual’s willingness to engage in acts
of cyber-trespass in support of hacking (see Chapter 3 for more details).
38
Cyber-deception and theft
The second category within Wall’s (2001) typology is cyber-deception and theft, which
can extend from hacking and other forms of cyber-trespass. This category includes all
the ways in which individuals may illegally acquire information or resources online, and
often goes hand in hand with trespass. For instance, criminals can use email messages to
acquire bank account information from victims through the use of phishing messages
(James, 2005). In this case, a criminal sends a message claiming to be from a bank or
người tiêu dùng tiềm năng
financial institution which needs prospective consumers to validate their account
information by clicking on a web link provided in the message. The individuals are then
giống
sent to a fraudulent website that resembles the actual financial institution and are asked
to enter their bank account username, login, and other sensitive information (James,
2005). This data is then stored and used by the criminal to engage in fraud, or resold to
others through an online black market for stolen data. These crimes are particularly
costly for consumers and businesses; a recent study by the Ponemon Institute (2015)
found that a single phishing attack can cost an organization approximately $3.7 million
chi phí giảm thiểu
due to losses in equipment, employee productivity, and mitigation costs.
bao gồm
The problem of digital piracy is also included in cyber-theft, encompassing the illegal
copying of digital media, such as computer software, digital sound recordings, and
digital video recordings, without the explicit permission of the copyright holder (Gopal,
nhét đầy
Saunders, Bhattacharjee, Agrawal, and Wagner, 2004). The financial losses stemming
from digital piracy are quite high. For instance, one company estimates that the US
recording industry loses over $12 billion each year from piracy (Siwek, 2007). This is
nghề ăn cướp
because piracy is an extremely common activity, as evidenced by one study which found
that between 50 and 90 percent of all broadband Internet traffic involved the transfer of
pirated media (Siwek, 2007). In addition, studies of college students in the USA find that
between 40 and 60 percent of respondents have engaged in piracy within the past year
(Gunter, 2009; Higgins, 2005; Hinduja, 2003; Skinner and Fream, 1997).
For more information on the problem of software piracy, go online to:
http://globalstudy.bsa.org/2016/index.html.
tạo điều kiện thuận lợ
The problem of piracy appears to be facilitated in large part by the subculture of
pirates operating online. The participants in this subculture help break copyright
39
protections on DVDs, Blu-ray disks, and software and distribute these materials online.
In fact, individuals can access pirated media and software through various outlets,
including file-sharing services, torrents, and websites (Cooper and Harrison, 2001; Holt
and Copes, 2010). Participants in this subculture also encourage piracy by sharing their
attitudes toward copyright law and minimizing the harm caused by pirating media (see
Chapter 5 for details). Many young people believe that piracy is an acceptable behavior
which has little impact on artists or private industry (Hinduja, 2003; Ingram and
Hinduja, 2008). Thus, cyber-deception and theft involves multiple activities that cause
significant financial harm.
Cyber-porn and obscenity
The third category in Wall’s typology of cybercrime is cyber-porn and obscenity,
representing the range of sexually expressive content online. As noted earlier, sexually
explicit content is defined differently based on location. Thus, porn and obscenity may
tương đối hợp pháp
be deviant or criminal based on local laws. The relatively legal nature of adult
ngành công nghiệp sinh lợi
pornography has enabled the development of an extremely lucrative industry, thanks in
part to the availability of streaming web content and high-speed connectivity (Edelman,
nghiệp dư
2009; Lane, 2000). In addition, amateurs are increasingly active in the porn industry due
to the ease with which individuals can produce professional quality images and media
through HD digital cameras, web-enabled cameras, and other equipment (Lane, 2000).
While viewing pornographic content is not illegal for individuals over the age of 18,
accessing certain content, such as violent or animal-related material, may be criminal
depending on local laws.
The ability to access pornographic content has also enabled the development of online
thích hợp
subcultures focused on various deviant sexual activities. Individuals with niche sexual
tôn sùng
fetishes can identify multiple outlets to discuss their interests with others in web forums,
email lists, and online groups that engender the exchange of information in near real
time (DiMarco, 2003). In turn, these spaces help make people feel they are part of a larger
group that validates their beliefs and attitudes. Sexual subcultures can also move into
criminal activity when the actors victimize children and adults either online or offline.
For instance, prostitutes increasingly use the Internet to advertise their services and keep
in touch with clients (Cunningham and Kendall, 2010). The customers of sex workers
also use this technology in order to discuss their experiences, provide detailed accounts
of their interactions, and warn others about police activities in a given area (Holt and
những kẻ ấu dâm
Blevins, 2007; Sharp and Earle, 2003). Similarly, pedophiles who seek out sexual
relationships with children frequently use CMCs in order to identify and share
pornographic and sexual images (Jenkins, 2001; Quayle and Taylor, 2002). They may also
use forums and instant messaging to connect with children in an attempt to move into
offline relationships (Wolak, Finkelhor, and Mitchell, 2004; Wolak, Mitchell, and
Finkelhor, 2003).
40
Cyber-violence
The final form within Wall’s typology is cyber-violence, referring to the ability to send
có hại
bao gồm
or access injurious, hurtful, or dangerous materials online. This may encompass
emotional harm such
as embarrassment or shame, and in limited circumstances physical
ý định tự sát
harm through suicidal ideation (Hinduja and Patchin, 2009). For example, the volume of
information available through social networking sites, coupled with the frequent use of
đã tăng khả năng
CMCs, has increased the likelihood that individuals will be bullied, harassed, or stalked
online (Finkelhor, Mitchell, and Wolak, 2000; Finn, 2004; Hinduja and Patchin, 2009; Holt
and Bossler, 2009). Individuals from various age groups are increasingly receiving
threatening or sexual messages via email, instant message, or texts (Bocij, 2004; Finn,
2004). People may also use CMCs to post embarrassing video, images, and text about
another person for the public to see. In fact, technology has greatly increased the
likelihood of emotional or psychological harm resulting from these messages (Finkelhor
et al., 2000; Wolak et al., 2004).
Political and social movements also use CMCs in order to spread information about
their causes or beliefs, as well as to engage in attacks against different targets online and
offline (Brenner, 2008; Cere, 2003; Denning, 2011). For instance, riots in England and
Arab states across the Middle East have organized through the use of social media, such
as Twitter and Facebook (Stepanova, 2011). In fact, CMCs may be used to form flash
mobs, or mass organizations of people, to organize quickly and move rapidly through
the use of online media without alerting local citizens or law enforcement (Taylor et al.,
2010).
Various extremist groups with their own subcultural norms and values use the
Internet in order to promote their beliefs and connect interested parties (see Chapter 10
for details). Social media sites like Facebook, video-sharing sites like YouTube, and
various web forums are used by extremist groups to promote their ideological beliefs
(Hegghammer, 2013; Holt, 2012; Weimann, 2011). For instance, Dylann Roof shot and
killed nine African Americans in a church in Charleston, South Carolina on June 17, 2015
(Hankes, 2015). His attack was racially motivated, and it was discovered shortly after his
arrest that he operated a website where he posted pictures of himself with guns,
Confederate flags, and neo-Nazi and white supremacist paraphernalia, along with a
manifesto explaining his views. He also posted on a white supremacist web forum called
The Daily Stormer and used it as a vehicle to express his racist beliefs (Hankes, 2015).
In addition, extremist groups have used the Internet in order to engage in attacks
against governmental targets worldwide. The hacker group Anonymous has engaged in
a variety of distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks against governments, the
recording industry, and private businesses (Correll, 2010; Poulsen, 2011). In a DDoS
attack, individuals send multiple requests to servers that house online content to the
point where these servers become overloaded and are unable to be used by others. As a
consequence, these attacks can completely knock a service offline, causing companies to
lose money and, potentially, customer confidence. The group Anonymous uses these
41
attacks as a protest against attempts to reduce the distribution of pirated media online.
luật sở hữu trí tuệ
ngột ngạt
Anonymous believes intellectual property laws are unfair, that governments are stifling
tiêu dùng
gợi ra
the activities of người
consumers,
so the group wishes to elicit
a direct response from the
được cho là chuyên chế
general public to stand up against this supposed tyranny (Correll, 2010; Poulsen, 2011).
Thus, the use of technology has expanded the capability of extremist groups to affect
populations and targets well beyond their overall capacity in the real world.
42
This text
Given the range of criminal and deviant acts that are enabled by the Internet and CMCs,
it is critical that we understand as much about these phenomena as possible. Thus, this
book will explore the spectrum of cybercrimes in detail, considering how real-world
crimes have incorporated technology, as well as the unique forms of offending that have
emerged as a direct result of technology. In addition, each chapter will consider the
unique subcultures that have emerged in online environments around a form of
deviance, crime, or a specific ideology. The subcultural norms of each group will be
explored in order to understand how involvement in this subculture affects behavior
both online and offline, as well as its influence on attitudes toward crime and deviance.
Finally, statutes in the USA and abroad that have been created to address these issues
will be covered, along with the local, state, national, and international law enforcement
agencies that have responsibilities to investigate and enforce those laws.
Chapter 2, “Law enforcement, privacy, and security in dealing with cybercrime,”
provides an overview of the various entities involved in policing cyber-crimes. This
includes traditional local, state, and federal law enforcement, as well as organizations
and industry bodies that actively attempt to mitigate cyber-crimes without a legal
mandate from the state.
Chapter 3, “Computer hackers and hacking,” explores computer hacking in depth,
including its role in attacks against individuals and corporations alike. Chapter 4,
“Malware and automated computer attacks,” explores the problem of malicious software
and its evolution over time. Chapter 5, “Digital piracy and intellectual property theft,”
considers the issue of digital piracy, including the theft and release of software, music,
movies, television, and other digital content. More serious forms of fraud and theft are
explored in Chapter 6, “Economic crimes and online fraud,” including the use of email
scams in order to acquire financial information from unsuspecting victims.
Chapter 7, “Pornography, prostitution, and sex crimes,” covers a wide variety of
online sexual behavior, including pornography, how the Internet has affected traditional
prostitution, and how the criminal justice system has attempted to evolve to address
these issues. Chapter 8, “Child pornography and sexual exploitation,” considers sexual
crimes against children, including child pornography and child molestation, and the
ways in which these offenses are uniquely engendered by technology. Chapter 9,
“Cyberbullying, online harassment, and cyberstalking,” investigates the problem of
online harassment, bullying, and stalking, while Chapter 10, “Online extremism,
cyberterror, and cyber warfare,” explores the use of technology to spread hate speech
and extremism across the globe.
Chapter 11, “Cybercrime and criminological theories,” will provide the reader with an
in-depth examination of whether traditional criminological theories can help us
43
understand why individuals commit the wide range of behaviors encompassed in
cybercrime. It will also explore the idea of whether new cybercrime theories are needed
or whether our current stock of criminological theories is adequate in explaining these
“new” forms of crime.
Chapter 12, “Evolution of digital forensics,” will elaborate the concept of digital
forensics and the process of seizing evidence from various devices. Chapter 13,
“Acquisition and examination of forensic evidence,” details the various tools used in the
process of evidence analysis, as well as the techniques involved in data recovery and
investigation generally. Chapter 14, “Legal challenges in digital forensic investigations,”
focuses on the process of evidence presentation in court, and the laws that affect what is
admissible and when by an analyst. Finally, Chapter 15, “The future of cybercrime,
terror, and policy,” considers the future of cybercrime with a discussion of the ways in
which the global nature of technology hinders our ability to effectively regulate these
offenses.
Key terms
Anonymous
Bitcoin
Computer crime
Computer-mediated communications (CMCs)
Cybercrime
Cyber-deception
Cyberdeviance
Cyber-porn
Cyberterrorism
Cyber-trespass
Cyber-violence
Deviance
Digital evidence
Digital immigrant
Digital native
Distributed denial-of-service attack
Dread Pirate Roberts
Flash mob
Incidental
Phishing
Proxy server
Silk Road
Spam
Subculture
44
Technicways
The Onion Router, or Tor Service
Web defacement
Discussion questions
1. Think carefully about your current access to technology. How many
laptops, desktops, tablets, and mobile devices do you own? How much
time do you spend online? How would you compare your use of
technology to your peers’?
2. Take a few moments to think critically about the way in which you share
information with the world through online environments. Do you
cautiously share personal information? How much detail do you place
about yourself into Facebook and other social networking sites? Do you
use the same credit card for all online purchases? How often do you
pirate music and media? Keeping this in mind, detail the various ways in
which you could become a victim of as many forms of cybercrime as is
possible.
3. Do you belong to any subcultures, either online or offline? What are
they, and how do you think they affect your activities and attitudes
toward the world around you?
4. How much overlap do you see between real-world crimes and cybercrimes? Should we have distinct terms to recognize crime or deviance in
online environments, or should all offenses just be classified as crimes,
regardless of where and how they occur?
45
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