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ALL THE REQUIREMENTS ARE ATTACHED
video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LumGv8VIkLo&feature=youtu.be
ENGL 1A
Simotas
Essay #1: Assignment Sheet
Introduction:
In the first unit of the course, you have learned key strategies for critical reading such as
annotating and summarizing, key concepts for academic writing such as MLA guidelines for
using sources in your writing and strategies for entering an academic conversation. While you
have been learning these key academic reading and writing concepts and strategies, you have
been familiarizing yourself with a current national conversation: Racial bias in American
policing. In your first formal essay in the class, you will bring together all that you have learned
thus far in the class in an essay that synthesizes the national conversation around racial bias in
policing in the United States.
What is Synthesis?
You learned in reading CH 7 of Inquiry 164-182 that a synthesis is “a discussion that forges
connections between the arguments of two or more authors.” In this discussion, you are the
moderator. Your job is to bring together the ideas of the authors and speakers we have read to
highlight the central idea around the topic that can relate to all of the sources and the
connections between and among the different sources.
Steps to Writing a Synthesis (adapted from Inquiry 181)
1. Make connections between and among different texts. Review the texts and podcasts
you have read for Unit 1 with an eye for comparing them. Note relevant examples and
formulate a “gist” statement for each of the texts (the gist statement is a one sentence
summary of the source).
2. Decide what the connections mean. Fill out the synthesis essay preparation worksheet
in Module 4 to compare your notes on the different texts, track counterarguments, and
record your thoughts. Decide what the similarities and differences mean to you and
what they mean to your readers.
3. Formulate a gist statement for all of the sources you plan to synthesize in the essay.
By identifying an overarching idea that brings together the ideas you’ve noted, you have
identified the thesis statement for your synthesis essay.
4. Write the draft of your synthesis as a timed writing activity in Module 4. The essay
should bring together the ideas you’ve noted, making connections, acknowledging
diverging ideas, and summarizing examples when appropriate.
*Tip: Review sample synthesis with examples for all of these steps in Chapter 7 of Inquiry
ENGL 1A
Simotas
Assignment Requirements
• 4-5 pages
• 3-5 sources
• A clear thesis that makes a claim (this is your overarching gist statement. See example
on page 180 in Inquiry)
• Clear topic sentences that serve as the main ideas for the paragraphs
• Paragraphs that synthesize sources by using direct quotes, paraphrases, and summary
from 2 or more sources
• Your essay should be cohesive making use of key words, transition words, and
transitional devices to guide your reader.
• A works cited page.
Essay 1 Grading Rubric
Criteria Excellent Strong Satisfactory Needs
more work
Introduction: Introduces the conversation,
making it relevant to the reader with the
use of engaging factual information
Thesis: Makes a clear claim that brings
together the discussion reflected in the
essay
Paragraphs: Well-structured with topic
sentences that focus on one major
connection between sources. Sources are
synthesized and quoted, paraphrased, or
summarized using MLA style guidelines.
Works Cited: Follows MLA citation
guidelines
Sentences: Demonstrate control of
sentence grammar
Comments:
12/11/16, 1:16 PMIs America Facing a Police Crisis? – WSJ
Page 1 of 8
http://www.wsj.com/articles/is-america-facing-a-police-crisis-1469828089
Ronald Reagan famously stated, “The nine most terrifying words in
the English language are: I’m from the government and I’m here to
help.” But should we apply such thinking to the police? The answer
depends on whom we ask. Many liberals who otherwise defend every
government program and unionized job believe that the police are
increasingly abusing their power. Many conservatives who otherwise
complain about unaccountable government officials consider the
police department beyond reproach and say that any form of de-
policing will make America less safe. Crime has decreased
significantly in the past two decades, and many attribute that outcome
to the proactive “broken windows” policing first advocated by James
Q. Wilson and George L. Kelling in a 1982 article. The theory goes that
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http://www.wsj.com/articles/is-america-facing-a-police-crisis-1469828089
ARTS BOOKS BOOKSHELF
Is America Facing a Police Crisis?
Citizen confidence in the police at its lowest point in 20 years. It has dropped among
Americans of all ages, education levels, incomes and races.
| |
Police preparing to put a midnight curfew into effect in Ferguson, Mo., on Aug. 16, 2015, a week
after the shooting death of Michael Brown. PHOTO: GETTY IMAGES
July 29, 2016 5:34 p.m. ET
By EDWARD P. STRINGHAM
http://www.wsj.com/news/arts
http://www.wsj.com/public/page/news-books-best-sellers.html
http://www.wsj.com/news/types/bookshelf
12/11/16, 1:16 PMIs America Facing a Police Crisis? – WSJ
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arresting offenders for minor crimes like loitering or drinking in
public leads to a mien of order that in turn discourages major crimes.
Citizens will be better off with, and thus prefer, police playing an
active role in the community.
Surveys today, though, show citizen confidence in the police at its
lowest point in 20 years. It has dropped among Americans of all ages,
education levels, incomes and races, with the decreases particularly
pronounced among the young and minorities. According to a USA
Today/Pew Research Center poll, only 30% of African-Americans say
that they have a great deal or quite a lot of confidence in the police,
and nine out of 10 say that the “police do an ‘only fair’ or poor job
when it comes to equal treatment and appropriate force.” Nine out of
10 Americans surveyed say that officers should be required to wear
body cameras to check police violence.
The past month has seen
extraordinary killings, both
by police officers and of
police officers, in St. Paul,
Baton Rouge and Dallas. All
across the political
spectrum, people agree that American policing is in turmoil. But
different groups emphasize different aspects of the crisis. Where
Black Lives Matter protesters emphasize the danger of being killed by
the police, Blue Lives Matter counter-protesters emphasize the risks
faced by hard-working policemen. The issues are so polarizing as to
leave little room for considered thought or discussion.
As an economist, I’d like to advocate taking a step back and looking at
the data to begin to gain some perspective. In 2015, 41 officers were
slain in the line of duty. That means the 900,000 U.S. law-enforcement
officers face a victimization rate of 4.6 deaths per 100,000 officers.
Any number greater than zero is a tragedy, but the average American
faces a nearly identical homicide rate of 4.5 per 100,000, and the
average male actually faces a homicide rate of 6.6 per 100,000. Being a
police officer is thus dangerous but not as dangerous as being an
average American male.
In the same year, police
killed 1,207 Americans, or
134 Americans per 100,000
officers, a rate 30 times the
homicide rate overall.
Police represent about 1 out
of 360 members of the
population, but commit 1 out of 12 of all killings in the United States.
TO PROTECT AND SERVE
By Norm Stamper
Nation, 309 pages, $27.99
A GOOD MONTH FOR MURDER
By Del Quentin Wilber
Henry Holt, 273 pages, $30
12/11/16, 1:16 PMIs America Facing a Police Crisis? – WSJ
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Many argue that these are justifiable, but are they necessary? In
England and Germany, where the police represent a similar
percentage of the population as in the U.S., they commit less than one-
half of 1% of all killings. Are higher rates of violence inevitable in our
country with its more heavily armed populace, or can things be done
to reduce the growing tensions?
Former policeman Norm Stamper’s book “To Protect and Serve: How
to Fix America’s Police” provides a first-hand account of the changes
in policing over the past few decades and is a useful survey of how we
got here. He started as a beat cop in San Diego in 1966 and rose to be
chief of police in Seattle from 1994 to 2000. He witnessed both the
more discretionary eras of policing and the advent of broken windows
policing, which was first adopted in New York City in the 1990s and
evolved into an aggressive form of proactive and “zero-tolerance” law
enforcement that spread across the nation.
Mr. Stamper joined the
force out of a desire to serve
the community but quickly
learned that his
performance would be
judged on the number of
tickets he wrote and arrests
he made. An experienced officer told him, “You can’t let compassion
for others get in the way.” There were quotas to fill. “The people on my
beat were, in a word, irrelevant,” Mr. Stamper writes.
The war on drugs was declared in 1971—then escalated in the 1980s—
and Mr. Stamper noticed police increasingly treating civilians like
enemy combatants. In 1994, President Clinton passed the largest
crime bill in history. It allocated $8.8 billion to hire 100,000 more
police officers and $10 billion for new prisons, and it established
mandatory arrests for allegations like domestic violence and
mandatory life sentences for third-time drug or violent offenders—
the three-strikes provision. Incarceration rates spiked nationally. The
rate at which the government incarcerates Americans is now seven
times what it was in 1965.
“To Protect and Serve” is particularly disturbing in showing that, as
antagonism toward and disregard for the public increased among
policemen, it had few consequences. Officers do not report on their
colleagues, and prosecutors are averse to punishing people with whom
they must work closely. Mr. Stamper quotes a fellow police chief
saying: “As someone who spent 35 years wearing a police uniform, I’ve
come to believe that hundreds of thousands of law-enforcement
officers commit perjury every year testifying.” Instead of policemen
serving the public, Mr. Stamper concludes, they end up viewing
THE WAR ON COPS
By Heather Mac Donald
Encounter, 242 pages, $23.99
12/11/16, 1:16 PMIs America Facing a Police Crisis? – WSJ
Page 4 of 8http://www.wsj.com/articles/is-america-facing-a-police-crisis-1469828089
citizens as numbers or revenue sources. One important lesson from
economics is that unaccountable government officials will not always
act on the public’s behalf.
Another account of modern
policing is “A Good Month
for Murder: The Inside
Story of a Homicide Squad”
by Del Quentin Wilber, a
newspaper reporter who
spent a month alongside
detectives in one of the Maryland suburbs of Washington, D.C. This
attempt at a true-crime drama seems to have been meant in praise of
police work, but Mr. Wilber unintentionally creates an unflattering
picture. He shows us men who refer to their targets as “reptilian
motherf—ers” and conduct multi-hour interrogations in the middle of
the night to elicit confessions. They throw chairs against walls to
intimidate suspects, lie boldly during interrogations and happily feed
lines to witnesses to use in court. One detective “jokes with [another]
that he could get [a suspect] to confess to anything: ‘Have any open
murders that need to be closed?’ ” The Fourth Amendment to the
Constitution attempts to restrict search and seizure without probable
cause, but judges here grant warrants without a thought: “He just
immediately signed the paper and looked at me and winked and said,
‘Good luck.’ ” At one point, a supervisor explains that a prisoner
cannot be questioned about earlier crimes without having a lawyer
present. The detective retorts: “F—ing Constitution.” In the end, the
policemen excuse any mistakes they made by saying they had good
intentions.
A company that mistreats its customers cannot stay in business
merely by saying it acted with good intentions. The police, by contrast,
are a tax-funded monopoly, paid regardless of how well they serve or
protect. Citizens subject to random fines or harassment cannot turn
the police away if they are unhappy with their services. The Justice
Department investigation of the Ferguson, Mo., police department
last year provided an in-depth account of local politicians, police,
prosecutors and judges using the legal system to extract resources
from the public. In 2010, the city finance director even wrote to the
police chief that “unless ticket writing ramps up significantly before
the end of the year, it will be hard to significantly raise collections
next year. . . . Given that we are looking at a substantial sales tax
shortfall, it’s not an insignificant issue.” In 2013, he wrote to the city
manager: “I did ask the Chief if he thought the PD could deliver [a]
10% increase. He indicated they could try.” The Ferguson police
department evaluated officers and gave promotions based on “citation
productivity,” and prosecutors and judges worked alongside them to
collect revenue. In a city with 21,000 residents, the courts issued 9,000
THE RISE AND FALL OF VIOLENT CRIME IN
AMERICA
By Barry Latzer
Encounter, 404 pages, $27.99
12/11/16, 1:16 PMIs America Facing a Police Crisis? – WSJ
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arrest warrants in 2013 for such minor violations as parking and
traffic tickets or housing-code violations like having an overgrown
lawn.
When the Ferguson citizenry started mass protests against police
abuses last year, they were met with the equivalent of a standing army.
The news photographs of police in camouflage, body armor and
helmets working in military formation with guns drawn were a wake-
up call for many Americans, who wondered just how the police came
be so militarized. It was all part of the spread of zero-tolerance
policing in the 1990s.
After the 1994 crime bill, President Clinton signed a law encouraging
the transfer of billions of dollars of surplus military equipment to
police departments. Mr. Stamper describes applying for military
hand-me-downs of “night-viewing goggles, grenade launchers,
bayonets, assault rifles, armored land vehicles, watercraft, planes and
helicopters.” The Department of Homeland Security provides $1.6
billion per year in anti-terrorism grants that police departments can
use to purchase military equipment. Police in Hartford, Conn., for
example, recently purchased 231 assault rifles, 50 sets of night-vision
goggles, a grenade launcher and a mine-resistant vehicle. As recently
as the 1970s, SWAT raids were rare, but police now conduct 50,000 per
year. The weapons and tactics of war are common among what Mr.
Clinton promised in 1994 would be “community policing.”
The question is just what would happen if law enforcement toned
down its zero-tolerance policies?
One of the premier defenders of the police against critics is Heather
Mac Donald, a scholar at the Manhattan Institute who publishes
regularly in the nation’s most popular newspapers, including this one.
Her book “The War on Cops: How the New Attack on Law and Order
Makes Everyone Less Safe” organizes and builds on her articles to
create a narrative that warns against adjusting police tactics or
lowering incarceration rates. She takes aim at groups ranging from
Black Lives Matter to “the Koch brothers [who] have teamed up with
the ACLU, for example, to call for lower prison counts and less law
enforcement.”
Much of the book is focused on the post-Ferguson state of policing,
but it also includes some of her warnings and predictions from recent
years. In a chapter drawn from a 2013 article, for instance, Ms. Mac
Donald worries that in the first full year after the court-mandated
30% decrease in California’s prison population, the state’s “crime rate
climbed considerably over the national average.” And in one from
2014 she writes that the 2013 ruling that led to the elimination of
“stop-and-frisk” tactics in New York has set in motion “a spike in
12/11/16, 1:16 PMIs America Facing a Police Crisis? – WSJ
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violence.” Yet between 2008 and 2014, homicides fell by 21% in
California and 34% in New York; crime in other categories was down,
too. In the very year when Ms. Mac Donald suggests crime rates were
climbing in California, homicide rates fell 7%. This was equally true
for New York City after stop and frisk was outlawed; homicide rates
were ultimately down 0.5% in 2014. It appears that keeping those
extra 46,000 Californians behind bars or subjecting New Yorkers to
4.4 million warrantless searches between 2004 and 2013 was
unnecessary for public safety.
More recently, Ms. Mac Donald has warned about a “Ferguson effect”
that has led to a “rise in homicides and shootings in the nation’s 50
largest cities.” Starting in the summer of 2014, anti-police-violence
protests have prompted large reductions in aggressive policing, and
Ms. Mac Donald points to increases in crime in cities including
Baltimore, Minneapolis, Milwaukee and Nashville. She states that we
are now seeing a “surge in lawlessness” and a “nationwide crime
wave.” The latest FBI data, however, compares the first six months of
2014 and 2015 and shows that violent and property crime have both
decreased in dozens of large cities, including Cleveland, Detroit,
Houston, New York and Philadelphia. From 2014 to 2015, violent crime
did increase by 1.7% nationwide, but property crime decreased by
4.2%. Any data series will have some fluctuation, and even with a
sustained downward trend upticks are likely. The homicide rate, for
example, has seen rises in four of the past 15 years but has fallen by
18% over the same period. To put the 1.7% “surge in lawlessness” into
perspective, 2012 saw a 1.9% increase in violent crime and a 1.5%
increase in property crime when zero-tolerance policing was still the
norm nationwide. And such a modest increase from one of the safest
years in decades did nothing to change the fact that crime remained—
and remains—close to a record national low.
Ms. Mac Donald is not alone in her thinking. Gallup does an annual
survey asking, “Is there more crime in your area than there was a year
ago, or less?” In 14 of the past 15 years, the majority of Americans felt
that crime had increased. But answering empirical questions requires
looking at the numbers. A data-driven book that does not engage in
alarmism is “The Rise and Fall of Violent Crime in America” by Barry
Latzer, a professor at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice. The
long-term trends in violent crime he presents are telling: In 1900, the
American homicide rate was 6 per 100,000 people. During Prohibition,
it increased to 9 per 100,000 but fell to 4.5 per 100,000 by the 1950s.
From the late 1960s and into the 1970s, the homicide rate spiked,
reaching 11 per 100,000. In the late 1970s, it started falling, increasing
slightly in the late 1980s but steadily decreasing since the 1990s to the
current level of 4.5 per 100,000, among the lowest in the nation’s
history.
12/11/16, 1:16 PMIs America Facing a Police Crisis? – WSJ
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Should one attribute the decrease in crime to zero-tolerance policing
and mass incarceration? It turns out that homicide rates in Canada
start at a lower level but track the changes in American homicide rates
almost exactly. In the past 25 years, our northern neighbor
experienced equal declines in all major crime categories despite never
having ramped up its policing or incarceration rates. Those
attributing all decreases in crime to increases in American law
enforcement are looking in the wrong place. As Mr. Latzer carefully
says, “the jury is still out”: Violent crime rates “fell off all over the
nation without any clear relationship between the enormous declines
in some cities and the adoption of new policing models.” Even though
American and Canadian homicide rates rose in the late 1980s, the
long-term downward trend clearly began in the late 1970s and early
1980s. Mr. Latzer concludes that the major determinants of a crime
rate are likely cultural factors and economic opportunity. The
employed family man is going to be less interested in crime than the
unemployed and unattached.
A month ago we heard predictions about the world economy’s
impending collapse if Britain left the European Union. Yet within a
week of the Brexit vote, British stock prices reached 2016 highs, and
American stock prices are at an all-time high. We can be sure that we
will hear similar warnings in response to proposals for lowering
incarceration rates, reducing the number of policemen, de-
militarizing police departments or even privatizing much or all of
what they do. Yet, as Messrs. Stamper and Latzer point out,
professional police departments were only invented a century and a
half ago, and in 1865 New York incarcerated fewer than 2,000 citizens
at any given time, compared with upward of 80,000 today (48 per
100,000 then versus 265 per 100,000 now).
Then, as now, societies were kept safe by numerous factors beyond
government-sanctioned law enforcement. These range today from the
most informal eyes on the street to the more formal million-plus
private security guards currently employed in America. Around New
York City, business improvement districts pay for security personnel
to do foot patrols, so the relevant policy choice is not between
government police or no security whatsoever. My own research has
also found a strong negative correlation between homicide rates and
economic freedom in a society. Free markets let people put their
passions into business to work for others’ benefit. Restrictions on
business, including minimum-wage laws that keep young inner-city
residents out of the labor force, are particularly harmful. We need
more markets, not more government, to discourage crime. One need
not assume that unionized, militarized and unpopular policemen are
the only option for keeping Americans safe.
—Mr. Stringham, the K.W. Davis Professor of Economic Organizations
12/11/16, 1:16 PMIs America Facing a Police Crisis? – WSJ
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and Innovation at Trinity College, Hartford, is the author of “Private
Governance: Creating Order in Economic and Social Life.”
Copyright 2014 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved
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11/5/16, 9:25 AMTa-Nehisi Coates on the Near Certainty of Anti-Police Violence – The Atlantic
Page 1 of 5http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/07/the-near-certainty-of-anti-police-violence/490541/
The Near Certainty of Anti-
Police Violence
By ignoring illegitimate policing, America has also failed to address the
danger this illegitimacy poses to those who must do the policing.
T A – N E H I S I C O A T E S | J U L 1 2 , 2 0 1 6 | P O L I T I C S
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11/5/16, 9:25 AMTa-Nehisi Coates on the Near Certainty of Anti-Police Violence – The Atlantic
Page 2 of 5http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/07/the-near-certainty-of-anti-police-violence/490541/
Subscribe to The Atlantic’s Politics & Policy
Daily, a roundup of ideas and events in
American politics.
Email S I G N U P
Last month, the Obama administration accused Donald Trump of undercutting
American legitimacy in the eyes of the world. Trump’s call to ban Muslims wasn’t
just morally wrong, according to Vice President Joe Biden, it called “into
question America’s status as the greatest democracy in the history of the world.”
President Obama followed Biden by asserting that Trump’s rhetoric “doesn’t
reflect our democratic ideals,” saying “it will make us less safe, fueling ISIL’s
notion that the West hates Muslims.” His point was simple—wanton
discrimination in policy and rhetoric undercuts American legitimacy and fuels
political extremism. This lesson is not limited to Donald Trump, and it applies as
well abroad as it does at home.
Last week, 25-year-old Micah Xavier Johnson murdered five police officers in
Dallas. This abhorrent act of political extremism cannot be divorced from
American history—recent or old. In black communities, the police departments
have only enjoyed a kind of quasi-legitimacy. That is because wanton
discrimination is definitional to the black experience, and very often it is law
enforcement which implements that discrimination with violence. A community
consistently subjected to violent discrimination under the law will lose respect
for it, and act beyond it. When such actions stretch to mass murder it is horrific.
But it is also predictable.
To understand the lack of police legitimacy in black communities, consider the
contempt in which most white Americans hold O.J. Simpson. Consider their
feelings toward the judge and jury in the case. And then consider that this is
approximately how black people have felt every few months for generations. It’s
http://www.theatlantic.com/newsletters/politics-daily/
11/5/16, 9:25 AMTa-Nehisi Coates on the Near Certainty of Anti-Police Violence – The Atlantic
Page 3 of 5http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/07/the-near-certainty-of-anti-police-violence/490541/
not just that the belief that Officer Timothy Loehmann got away with murdering
a 12-year-old Tamir Rice, it is the reality that police officers have been getting
away with murdering black people since the advent of American policing. The
injustice compounds, congeals until there is an almost tangible sense of dread
and grievance that compels a community to understand the police as objects of
fear, not respect.
What does it mean, for instance, that black children are ritually told that any
stray movement in the face of the police might result in their own legal killing?
When Eric Holder spoke about getting “The Talk” from his father, and then
giving it to his own son, many of us nodded our heads. But many more of us were
terrified. When the nation’s top cop must warn his children to be skeptical of his
own troops, how legitimate can the police actually be?
And it is not as if Holder is imagining things. When the law shoots down 12-year-
old children, or beats down old women on traffic islands, or chokes people to
death over cigarettes; when the law shoots people over compact discs, traffic
stops, drivers’ licenses, loud conversation, or car trouble; when the law auctions
off its monopoly on lethal violence to bemused civilians, when these civilians
then kill, and when their victims are mocked in their death throes; when people
stand up to defend police as officers of the state, and when these defenders are
killed by these very same officers; when much of this is recorded, uploaded, live-
streamed, tweeted, and broadcast; and when government seems powerless, or
unwilling, to stop any of it, then it ceases, in the eyes of citizens, to be any sort of
respectable law at all. It simply becomes “force.”
In the black community, it’s the force they deploy, and not any higher American
ideal, that gives police their power. This is obviously dangerous for those who are
policed. Less appreciated is the danger illegitimacy ultimately poses to those
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shooting_of_Tamir_Rice
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eciO9EfktRQ
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Death_of_Eric_Garner
http://www.cnn.com/2016/07/06/us/baton-rouge-shooting-alton-sterling/
http://www.cnn.com/2016/07/07/us/falcon-heights-shooting-minnesota/
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shooting_of_Rekia_Boyd
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shooting_of_Corey_Jones
http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2016/04/27/pay-to-play-cop-bob-bates-found-guilty-in-fatal-shooting-of-black-man.html
https://news.vice.com/article/video-shows-cop-yell-fuck-your-breath-at-man-wounded-by-shooting-deputy-claims-was-accidental
http://www.nytimes.com/2015/03/25/us/atlanta-police-shooting-victim-tried-to-live-a-life-that-mattered.html
11/5/16, 9:25 AMTa-Nehisi Coates on the Near Certainty of Anti-Police Violence – The Atlantic
Page 4 of 5http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/07/the-near-certainty-of-anti-police-violence/490541/
R E A D R E L A T E D R E A D R E L A T E D
Stories of Excessive Force from Police
Is There Really a Racial Bias in
Shootings?
‘Please Don’t Lose Faith in Us’ Police
who must do the policing. For if the law represents nothing but the greatest
force, then it really is indistinguishable from any other street gang. And if the law
is nothing but a gang, then it is certain that someone will resort to the kind of
justice typically meted out to all other powers in the street.
The Talk is testament to something that went very wrong, long ago, with law
enforcement, something that we are scared to see straight. That something has
very little to do with the officer on the beat and everything to do with ourselves.
There’s a sense that the police departments of America have somehow gone
rogue. In fact, the police are one of the most trusted institutions in the country.
This is not a paradox. The policies which the police carry out are not the edicts of
a dictatorship but the work, as Biden put it, of “the greatest democracy in the
history of the world.” Avoiding this fact is central to the current conversation
around “police reform” which focuses solely on the actions of police officers and
omits everything that precedes these actions. But analyzing the present crisis in
law enforcement solely from the contested street, is like analyzing the Iraq War
solely from the perspective of Abu Ghraib. And much like the Iraq War, there is a
strong temptation to focus on the problems of “implementation,” as opposed to
building the kind of equitable society in which police force is used as sparingly as
possible.
There is no shortcut out. Sanctimonious cries of
nonviolence will not help. “Retraining” can only do so
much. Until we move to the broader question of policy,
we can expect to see Walter Scotts and Freddie Grays
with some regularity. And the extent to which we are
tolerant of the possibility of more Walter Scotts and
Freddie Grays is the extent to which we are tolerant of
the possibility of more Micah Xavier Johnsons.
http://www.theatlantic.com/notes/2016/07/stories-of-fearing-the-cops/491354/
http://www.theatlantic.com/notes/2016/07/is-there-really-a-racial-bias-in-police-shootings/490979/
http://www.theatlantic.com/notes/2016/07/please-dont-lose-faith-in-us/491507/
http://www.gallup.com/poll/192701/confidence-police-recovers-last-year-low.aspx?g_source=Politics&g_medium=newsfeed&g_campaign=tiles
http://www.theatlantic.com/notes/
11/5/16, 9:25 AMTa-Nehisi Coates on the Near Certainty of Anti-Police Violence – The Atlantic
Page 5 of 5http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/07/the-near-certainty-of-anti-police-violence/490541/
L A T E S T V I D E OL A T E S T V I D E O
Why Men Fear a Female President
Hillary Clinton’s candidacy has catalyzed a level of intense misogyny that probably won’t go away.
A B O U T T H E A U T H O RA B O U T T H E A U T H O R
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T A – N E H I S I C O A T E S is a national correspondent at The Atlantic, where he writes about
culture, politics, and social issues. He is the author of The Beautiful Struggle and Between
the World and Me.
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