Review of the book: ‘Lead Us into temptation’ by James B. Twitchell

book_review_ferner_3
 (1) summarize what you see as the major themes or points in the book, if possible using brief quotations from the book to illustrate key points. (2) Develop key issues for criticism (which may be positive points of praise or more negative concerns or worries), again using relevant brief quotation where appropriate. (3) The style of the review should be similar to that in other essays, i.e. based on a balanced yet critically constructive approach. Imagine that you are writing for a journal such as The Economist. Your task is to tell the reader why this book matters, or why it claims to matter but does not in fact achieve its ends. You need to highlight what it says, what is new, and what the limitations are.

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REVIEW SYMPOSIUM

Peer Hull Kristensen and Jonathan Zeitlin
Local Players in Global Games: The Strategic
Constitution of a Multinational Corporation.
Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2005

Keywords: political economy, globalization, multinational firms, firm strategy

JEL classification: F23 multinational firms, F59 international political economy

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Global games and general claims: locating the
contribution of Kristensen and Zeitlin

Anthony Ferner

Leicester Business School, De Montfort University, Leicester, UK

Correspondence: afhum@dmu.ac.uk

1. The contribution of Local Players in Global Games

This monograph is one of the most important studies of multinationals to appear

in recent years. It takes its place alongside Bélanger et al.’s work on ABB (1999),

showing the potential for generating theoretical insights from the intense scrutiny

of a single company.

The book is an in-depth study of the headquarters (HQ) and three key

subsidiaries—in Denmark, England and the USA—of a UK-owned engineering

multinational, APV. Its theoretical contribution is, simply put, to take subsidi-

aries seriously. It helps redress the neglect of subsidiary strategy by much of

the international business literature, while avoiding the opposite trap of neglect-

ing the HQ perspective. Subsidiaries are seen not as passive subjects of HQ strat-

egy, but as strategizing actors in their own right, in symbiotic relationship with

# The Author 2008. Published by Oxford University Press and the Society for the Advancement of Socio-Economics.

All rights reserved. For Permissions, please email: journals.permissions@oxfordjournals.org

Socio-Economic Review (2008) 6, 379–394 doi:10.1093/ser/mwn002

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their acquiring company. Thus, subsidiaries actively seek to be acquired by the

parent, in order to gain access to global markets. They strategize by leveraging

local resources to strengthen their position within the global firm, and to

exploit the advantages of membership of a multinational not least for enhancing

the development of the locality in which they are embedded. As a result, the con-

ventional view of the role of the multinational’s HQ is also challenged: HQ is

inherently unable to enact a coherent global vision or to coordinate activities

effectively across countries in order to realize international competitive

advantage.

The book provides a realistic depiction of multinationals as uneasy political

coalitions. Complex game-playing takes place in which subsidiaries are able to

exploit tensions between multiple and sometimes conflicting lines of authority

within the company. The multinational is, in short, ‘an arena for internecine riv-

alries’ (p. 11). In exploring the internal politics of the multinational, the authors

show, importantly, how subsidiary actors engage with other actors in their

locality, often finding accommodations that cut across the boundaries of the

firm. Local Players in short provides a plausible account of subsidiaries as units

operating, politically and strategically, both within transnational chains of

economic activity and within a defined local institutional environment.

These theoretical insights are coupled with—and stem from—the great depth,

richness and subtlety of the empirical account. It is rare for researchers to obtain

such in-depth access to different organizational levels within the multinational

corporation (MNC). The narrative is informed by a historical perspective that

helps show the evolution of different models of ‘constitutional ordering’ within

the subsidiaries, models of varying degrees of stability and efficacy over time.

As well as giving a strong sense of the continuities in the ‘administrative heritage’

of the different subsidiaries, this historical context conveys the fragility and mut-

ability of accommodations: actors’ changing roles, the rise and decline of units,

the relative transience of influence, the complexity and instability of the balancing

acts required to maintain position.

The heart of the empirical material is a detailed depiction of how subsidiary

actors mobilize and deploy resources from their local institutional environment,

and how this feeds a complex dynamic of reciprocal strategizing at a variety of

levels: intra-plant, plant – locality, inter-subsidiary, subsidiary – business unit,

subsidiary – HQ. The Horsens Danish case study in particular is an exemplary

account of how strategizing actors exploit the resources of their environment.

Horsens mobilized local suppliers, engaged with domestic training institutions,

forged strategic alliances with the plant convenor and union, and changed its

internal work organization as part of its ‘strategic positioning’. This engagement

in the locality gave it the base from which to ‘undermine its assigned role’ within

APV and create an innovative one. For example, Horsens management and

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unions used the national institutional framework (the state’s covering of a high

proportion of the wages of workers undergoing training) and the local one

(direct union representation on boards of local schools) to forge an accommo-

dation that secured the supply of skilled workers.

Finally, Local Players furnishes a vision—agreeable if rather idealistic—of a

way forward for actors in multinationals, based on competitive, mutually suppor-

tive and mutually constraining games. Such games centre on the involvement of

employees and their representatives in strategic development, and the building of

linkages with local communities to develop and exploit the competitive advan-

tages they offer. The final part develops some interesting thoughts on what

amounts to the quasi-democratization of relations between centre and peripheral

units, based on pragmatic collaborations on goal definition, problem solving and

the sharing of information.

2. How far can we generalize from Local Players in Global Games?

However, a number of concerns emerge about the methodological approach of

Local Players. At the core of these concerns is the book’s attempts to generalize

from the single case in order to characterize the way multinationals are in

general. This is not an inherently flawed exercise. But its validity depends on con-

vincing the reader that the case-study company is appropriate as a case from

which to generalize. Kristensen and Zeitlin make strong claims for the theoretical

contribution of the study:

[B]y carefully confronting the organizational strategies and mechan-

isms for the coordination and control of the multinational proposed

in the managerial literature with the experience of APV, we can assess

their effectiveness in meeting the challenges of running an actually

existing MNC. (p. xxi)

APV functions in this respect, they argue, ‘as a limiting case, capable of

demonstrating the inadequacy of standard models of multinational management

whether or not its experience can be taken as representative of other global firms’

(page number? emphasis added). This suggests that APV, while not a typical

multinational, is a ‘test case’: in other words, it can be claimed that, if APV is

like this, then other multinationals are likely to be so a fortiori. Unfortunately,

APV does not appear to be such a case. Rather, it is an ‘extreme case’ (as the

authors elsewhere concede), which illustrates the studied pathology to an extent

unlikely to characterize other firms. If this is so, then the wider resonance of the

study is far less than the authors claim.

The essence of APV’s atypicality is that it did not introduce changes into a

‘well-established organizational structure and shared administrative heritage’

Local Players in Global Games 381

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(p. 193). Moreover, when ‘an MNC is created through mergers and acquisitions

of former rivals, no historical bonds of trust or networks of mutual obligation

and respect are likely to exist among its constituent units’ (p. 208). It is, in

short, a company of previously independent, entrepreneurial subsidiaries and,

as a result, ‘a very unstable mixture’ (p. 20). Most multinationals are not like

that, even where they grow abroad by acquisition. They retain a predominant

‘beating heart’: acquisitions are absorbed into a pre-existing organizational/

administrative heritage.

Despite K&Z’s claim that APV is ‘not at all exceptional’ in its lack of effective

integrative structures (p. 200), it is in fact neither typical of current MNCs, nor

the exemplar of an emerging trend. The truth is that there are plenty of hierarch-

ical multinationals with effective centralized control, with the power resources

(the ‘techniques of domination’) to ensure that they have to make relatively

few concessions to local institutional arrangements; for example, they are able

to influence subsidiary managers’ career paths and rewards, and control the

investment, production and export quotas of their operations. Many other

firms, more ‘heterarchical’ in functioning, are nonetheless also successful in coor-

dinating their activities internationally over extended periods of time.

This is not to say that the politics of resistance are absent from such coherently

coordinated firms, merely that they are confined within relatively narrow limits

that do not normally threaten the inherent integrity of the enterprise. Thus the

claim that the ‘unending process of mutually aligning these multiple narratives

. . . constitutes the core challenge of coordination and “control” for the MNC’

(p. 22) appears somewhat overstated.

Having argued that the problems of APV stem from the lack of a common

administrative heritage, the authors try to generalize to M-form companies as

a whole (p. 210 and chapter 9), arguing that the pathology of conflicting colla-

borative games stems from generic flaws in the M-form concept, such as the sep-

aration of strategy and operational decision-making, and the lack of knowledge

by each of each, so that there is difficulty in developing reciprocal positive

games. So which is it, the lack of shared administrative heritage, or the inherent

flaws of M-form, that explains APV? This is an important question because if the

former is the correct explanation, then APV is representative of a minority, niche

subset of MNCs; and if the latter is the case, then it’s a pervasive issue.

This central question dogs many of the conceptual elements of the argument,

for instance the concept of ‘global games’. This is a useful notion, but how appli-

cable is it in situations where the centre is more dominant and can set the frame-

work of rules by which subsidiaries play? Even though games are likely to be

observable in such cases, their salience is likely to be far less than in the special

case of APV, and the subsidiary actors playing them may well have considerably

less room for manoeuvre. More generally, the book does not make explicit what it

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sees as the limits to the scope for games. Where, exactly, do multinational actors

come up against the structural constraints imposed by operating within a global

economic system of competition? And do such constraints vary from firm to

firm? One way of phrasing this issue is to ask whether the fate of APV was inevi-

table, given the financial community’s role in structuring the behaviour of stra-

tegic players in these sorts of firms; or were other paths possible, within the

constraints of the kind of multinational that it was?

At a more practical level, there is an irritating lack of transparency about

methods. On the basis of exactly what data, collected under what conditions,

are the book’s questions addressed? The empirical analysis is prima facie plausible,

coherent and indeed convincing, but rigour demands transparency about

mundane issues such as: the number of interviews conducted, with what

balance and breakdown of categories of respondent by site, function, etc., and

in which time periods of the project’s lengthy duration; how information was

recorded and analysed; the steps taken to ensure equivalence of data collection

procedures between sites and researchers; and so on. This may seem a prosaic

and pedantic criticism, but such transparency is important for the credibility

of the account and the trust of the reader. The lack of information on data

collection means, for example, that we do not always get a sense of how far

accounts of contentious processes or incidents were ‘triangulated’ through the

testimony of multiple witnesses.

A final set of questions revolves around the realism of the prescriptions that

the authors draw from their analysis. Though the authors are duly guarded

about the practicability of their proposals, it is still reasonable to ask whether

the prescriptions for experimental coalitions of actors in and outside the multi-

national as a means of developing local resources can really be effective in coun-

tering the systemic pressures of the ‘institutional equity nexus’. Can the implied

positive sum games be played in practice? Inevitably, it could be argued that there

will be competition for mandates between upskilling localities—and some will

lose out.

There must also be questions as to the generalizability of the prescriptions

taken from this particular case. In many firms, productivity coalitions within

the plant may not be viable because the multinational’s strategy is premised

on driving out costs rather than mobilizing craft skills and knowledge. In such

cases, the inclusive constitution of the ‘collective actor’ at the plant level, and

engagement with local knowledge communities, may not be important for the

subsidiary’s positional strategies within the global firm.

Most fundamentally, factors outside the control of local actors are liable to

swamp the impact of local strategizing. You may strategize all you like at the

level of the plant, but your vision can be swiftly obscured by the global competi-

tive forces within which multinationals operate: cross-border merger and

Local Players in Global Games 383

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acquisition, rapid and radical technological change, investor and share market

pressure on corporate leadership, and so on. Such forces can wash away subtle

positional strategies like tidal waves. Locationally specific competitive advantages

and skills, developed with such care and attention, may become obsolete and

redundant in short order. Indeed, the transitoriness of innovative local solutions

and coalitions is one of the striking findings of the book. The fate of Horsens

itself is a sad confirmation of this observation. In 2006, APV decided to pool

its Danish resources and concentrate its manufacturing on Kolding, relocating

production from Horsens some 40 kilometres to the north.

But despite these qualifications, Local Players is, to repeat, one of the most

stimulating, valuable and important works available. For those serious about

understanding multinationals, it is essential reading.

Reference

Bélanger, J., Berggren, C., Björkman, T. and Köhler, C. (eds) (1999) Being Local Worldwide:

ABB and the Challenge of Global Management, Ithaca, NY, ILR Press.

Institutional leverages and social dynamics
within a multinational

Jacques Bélanger

Département des relations industrielles, Université Laval, Québec, Canada

Correspondence: jacques.belanger@rlt.ulaval.ca

This book contributes to social science on the basis of very detailed empirical

research conducted at all levels within a multinational corporation (MNC),

which Kristensen and Zeitlin have studied in several countries over the course

of approximately two decades. It is a great piece of inductive field research, a

monograph in the best tradition of social science, drawing on and contributing

to several disciplines. The way the study evolved, from the local to the global,

that is, from Horsens, Denmark, and then Lake Mills, Wisconsin, and only

later to the headquarters (HQ) of APV located in London, England, is a charac-

teristic feature of the whole story, both empirically and theoretically. As they

write, ‘it would have been practically impossible to design such a study in

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advance’ (Preface, p. xx), and this polycentric perspective underlies a different

way of looking at MNCs, basically as something socially constructed from

below and not run from the top.

This review seeks to go to the essence of a book which is dense and somewhat

repetitive in some sections, but nevertheless highly readable because there is an

ongoing story being told throughout. I seek to outline what it says (Section 1),

what this means to social science research on MNCs (Sections 2 and 3), and

then what I would see as its limitations (Section 4). Going into its argument in

some detail will allow me to raise more critical questions at the end.

1. Local actors and their institutional environment

The empirical basis of the book relates to three subsidiaries, namely Horsens,

Lake Mills and a British subsidiary located in Eastbourne, as well as to the

APV HQ in London. The empirical material on Horsens and Lake Mills stands

out as the most detailed and impressive. In each case, the origin of the plant is

traced back over more than a century, and there are striking similarities in

the ways these dairy equipment producers developed on the basis of product

innovation and good craftsmanship in the distinct agricultural surroundings of

Denmark and Wisconsin. These firms had long and rich historical legacies by

the time they became part of APV, in 1987 and 1973, respectively.

The authors insist on challenging the ‘received expectation that the MNC

expands from an advanced technological and administrative home economy to

gradually conquer the world’ (p. 65). In other words, ‘rather than simply being

driven by sharks which eat the small fish, globalization is also propelled

by small birds seeking protection under the eagle’s wings’ (p. 63). I hesitate

somewhat in accepting the metaphor here because, as will be pointed out later,

at the end of this APV story, and this is not exceptional: poor decisions on the

part of the eagle had damaging effects on all local actors. But coming back to

the authors’ analysis, it is right that for so many of the MNCs which grew

rapidly on the basis of mergers and acquisitions, the classic view of looking at

the development of MNCs as a natural extension from the national to the

global, within a core set of knowledge in a given sector, should be amended.

Any notion of ‘natural development’ should be avoided. Hence it is useful to

throw light on the social and strategic dimensions of their construction. More

generally, one could never understand how they operate just by reading the

HQ’s discourse (or ‘narratives’ as the authors would say), too often reproduced

in the global business press.

Each of the three subsidiaries has its idiosyncratic features, with a century-long

historical heritage, most of this time having been spent as an independent firm of

medium size but with a key position in its local environment. What the authors

Local Players in Global Games 385

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are intent on showing is: (1) the varied degrees of success these local actors had in

playing global games and (2) how this success has been conditioned by the

national and local institutions. More precisely, the differences between them do

not lie only in national institutions as such, as if these were seen as something

‘given’, static or formal, but they also have to do with the activation of insti-

tutional arrangements by local actors. The analytical point is that we should

look not only at the possibilities of national institutions as complementary

resources for supporting local action, but also at the ways local actors make

use of such institutional arrangements as leverages to improve their strategic

position in their local community and within the MNC.

On such interaction with the local environment, the Danish subsidiary stands

out as the model, and this explains their ‘successful pursuit of positional strategy’

(p. 171) within the site itself, within the local economy and within the MNC. The

involvement of the local union and the leadership of its convenor have played a

role in so many key decisions, including the transaction by which Horsens

became part of APV. But their use of information and influence was significant

because they took advantage of resources such as the 1973 legislation granting

the right to elect representatives on the company board, and later the 1994 Euro-

pean Union Directive on information and consultation rights, which led, through

networking with other subsidiaries in Denmark and other countries, to the cre-

ation of a European Works Council for APV in 1996.

The Wisconsin site was developed on many of the same principles as Horsens,

in terms of know-how and high skills, social cohesiveness, workplace union soli-

darity, etc. However, in contrast to the Danish site, this solid workplace identity

did not lead to efficient linkages and networks within the community or within

the parent firm. At the American site, local actors had different relationships

with external actors within their local environment. They did not show as

much capacity for strategic action, partly for reasons having to do with insti-

tutions. Hence, ‘this stark contrast in the two plants’ relationships with external

suppliers stemmed not only from the strategies adopted by local actors, but also

from the very different rules governing their respective labor markets, rooted in

the broader institutional structure of the Danish and American national business

systems’ (p. 161).

2. ‘Warring fiefdoms’ and distant HQ

A major focus, and contribution, of this book relates to the explanation of the

social distance and inefficient relationships between APV’s HQ and its subsidiaries.

Kristensen and Zeitlin show in great detail how the basic administrative functions

of the MNC, that is, the control of resources and the coordination of activities

among more or less diversified lines of products across geographical boundaries,

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were not realized adequately here. Showing how naı̈ve the orthodox view that all

constituents of a given corporation worldwide should naturally inform, support

and learn from each other is, they stress how opportunistic and strategic games

on the part of subsidiaries were more or less standard behaviour. Indeed,

considering the structure of the situation, which meant having to impress the

London HQ or fighting for the same customers, such behaviour could be seen

as rational on the part of local players. The authors make frequent use of the

term ‘subversive strategies’, by which subsidiaries ‘weaken their ties to the parent

firm while integrating them more tightly into the local economy’ (p. 302).

In particular, the restructuring programmes and benchmarking measures that

were so in vogue during the mid-1990s, and highly recommended by leading con-

sulting firms, exacerbated the competitive spirit between local units. Even when

technically correct, the performance data reported by local actors would often be

‘spun’, so that they would not affect the plant’s position within the corporation,

hence adding one more dimension to the political game. The formalized report-

ing and information systems adopted by the London HQ in order to rationalize

the working of the whole organization had the effect instead of inhibiting the

sharing of innovative ideas and the whole learning process, which the authors

rightly see as crucial to the development of a firm. In short, many of the well-

intended measures taken by the HQ contributed to the state of ‘warring fiefdoms’

described in the book, and they ‘reinforced the feeling of mutual warfare between

the subsidiaries themselves and of arbitrary decision-making by the HQ’ (p. 180).

The study goes beyond describing such managerial problems. In many ways it

explains why these problems are not incidental but are almost bound to occur.

Three distinct factors contribute to the explanation of the polycentric forces

which dominate this organization and of the HQ’s incapacity to really coordinate,

in spite of so many efforts to do so. First, there is the rich history and heritage of

each subsidiary. Second, and related to this, there is the way each of them is

embedded in a specific institutional configuration. More precisely, as noted

above, we find ‘the local use of national institutions’ (p. 84). Third, there is the

fact that, as opposed to textbook prescriptions about corporate culture, such

complex organizations are made up of multiple and competing ‘narratives’.

The authors ‘conceptualize the globalization process as a coming together of mul-

tiple narratives which simultaneously co-exist, rather than merging automatically

into a single unity’ (p. 22).

3. Beyond APV: ideas for transforming MNCs

The final part of the book, comprising five chapters, is a bit unsettling. Part III

goes beyond the empirical study of this multinational and develops theoretical

propositions for transforming such organizations. Some of these propositions

Local Players in Global Games 387

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sound rather idealistic. The logic is that the authors are not satisfied with merely

describing the ineffectiveness of management within APV and explaining why it

exists, two major tasks at which they have, in my view, succeeded; they also put

forward propositions for transforming some of the ways these large corporations

operate. Hence, they write, ‘we will examine in greater detail how these failures

manifest themselves within the setting of a multinational corporation in order

to identify what would be required to overcome them by executive action’

(pp. 225 – 226).

While acknowledging several times that their ‘optimistic vision of transform-

ing the MNC’ (p. 255) is not about to be realized, it would seem that they shift the

emphasis towards this conceptual level for two key underlying reasons. First, the

problems of coordination observed within APV, in particular the social distance

between the subsidiaries and the HQ, each following distinct logics of action

which bring them further apart, are not specific to this firm. From a review of

the literature, the authors seek to establish that APV is by no means an exception.

Rather, they suggest a system failure associated with the very nature of the MNC

as a complex organization. Second, such system failure in the management of

MNCs should not be seen as a problem only for the corporations directly con-

cerned and their shareholders; these are also problems for their employees and

broader society because they affect, and sometimes jeopardize, the development

of collective resources in so many communities.

Of particular interest are the concepts of ‘practical deliberation’ and ‘learning

by monitoring’, as developed by Charles Sabel. While such mechanisms would

operate mostly at the organizational level, the authors also throw light on the pos-

sibilities of current participatory experiments that create links between employees

beyond organizational and national borders. Institutions such as the European

Works Councils and other mechanisms for ‘public deliberation’ may help, the

authors suggest, ‘to civilize the ongoing game between global companies and

capital markets’ (p. 264; see also pp. 299 – 300). Hence,

if MNCs are to become genuine vehicles for mutually beneficial collab-

oration and learning by monitoring among their constituent units, they

need to create new organizational channels for involving employee

representatives and other local focal actors in practical deliberation

about the firm’s strategic objectives and the performance measures

used to assess progress towards them. (p. 309)

However, at the end, the authors explicitly acknowledge that the programme

for democratic reform they clearly favour is unlikely to prevail. And the book

concludes with a set of alternative and less inspiring scenarios which ‘seem at

least as likely but their consequences much less desirable’ (p. 322).

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4. Usefulness and limitations of an idealistic view

I have noted that the final part of the book sounds idealistic, and some of the

propositions rather utopian. But this is part of the logic pursued by the

authors, and there is no need to insist further on this point. Indeed, I share

with Kristensen and Zeitlin the view that the reality is not an acceptable scenario

either.

I would only suggest that a distinction should be more clearly made between

mechanisms aimed at ‘civilizing’ some of the ways the ongoing game is played

(see pp. 264, 299 – 300) and the broader idea of transforming the MNC, as this

would require changes in the rules of the game themselves. What I have in

mind here is that the working of transnational corporations and the keys for

both local and corporate actors to transform them are connected with the

working of capitalism itself.

I presume the authors would not disagree with this general statement because

they do not condemn the political economy perspective suggested here. However,

I feel they do not engage with it either: they stay away from some of its dimen-

sions. The reader finds a general tendency to put the emphasis on how much

leeway the local players have had in shaping their own respective strategies

within the corporation, even in the process of mergers and acquisitions, that is,

from the time they sought ‘membership’ in APV (pp. 39 – 40, 92). This study is

extremely rich on matters of power and strategy. However, when discussing prop-

ositions and scenarios for transforming the current reality, I feel it does not give

proper weight to the structural conditions that shape the rules of the game. It

follows that these propositions sound either too idealistic or too limited to

unlock the dysfunctions so well described and analysed in the book. Indeed,

the concluding chapter recalls how the acquisition of APV by larger firms

(twice in less than two years), as part of the ‘City investment game’, and poor

decisions by successive HQs proved to be quite damaging for these local organ-

izations built over so many years. As illustrated once again by the story documen-

ted here, the local actors usually do not hold so many of the keys for controlling

their destiny within such global corporations. The point I seek to make goes

beyond a simple question of word formulation; it has to do with the conceptual-

ization of MNCs. Although they are complex organizations, embedded in

particular institutional environments, MNCs are still an integral part of, and

driven by, capitalism.

I would not like to sound too pessimistic—or perhaps I should say too

realistic—and I see much merit in many of the ongoing experiments discussed

in the final chapters of the book. I suggest, however, that the possibilities of

such participatory mechanisms to support employees’ and unions’ strategies

within MNCs, nationally and internationally, could be enhanced if more

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attention were given to the ways these corporations operate within the inter-

national political economy.

These questions raised at the end do not change my overall appreciation of

the book Local Players in Global Games is an excellent piece of scholarship, in

the best tradition of social science. Deservedly, it has quickly become a standard

reference in the study of MNCs, from both the organizational and institutional

standpoints.

Challenging the transnational model

D. Eleanor Westney

Schulich School of Business, York University, Toronto, Ontario, Canada

Correspondence: ewestney@schulich.yorku.ca

Scale, complexity and difficulty of access have made research on the organization

of multinational enterprise a somewhat specialized area of study, despite the

importance of multinational enterprises (MNEs) in today’s business environment

and in theories of globalization. With this book, two sociologists whose previous

work has centred on, to use their own words, ‘the historical development, internal

dynamism, and innovative capabilities of industrial districts or regional clusters

organized around flexibly specialized networks of small and medium-sized firms’

(p. xiii) have produced the best study of MNE organization to appear in nearly

two decades. They have absorbed and built on three decades of research on the

MNE within the field of International Business, but they bring a fresh perspective,

a different level and depth of analysis, and an original approach to the managerial

problems that seem to beset today’s MNEs, and they raise challenges to

established models of the MNE that should have a significant impact on future

research agendas.

Serendipity played a role in the genesis of this study: the authors discovered at

a conference that each had been studying a different subsidiary (one in Wisconsin

and one in Denmark) of the same MNE as part of their research on industrial dis-

tricts. That might have remained an interesting coincidence but for the growing

debate over the role of MNEs in industrial districts. Do MNEs simply exploit and

even erode the capabilities of the industrial clusters in which they increasingly

participate by acquiring local firms, or do they bring valuable access to global net-

works and cross-border learning? Their study of three subsidiaries (they added a

unit in England) and the headquarters (HQ) of APV, a British-based engineering

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firm producing equipment primarily for the food processing industry that had

expanded internationally through acquisition, addresses these questions and

makes a major contribution to the research on MNE organization as well as to

the role of MNEs in industrial districts.

Kristensen and Zeitlin take seriously the integrated network model of the

MNE (also known as the transnational) that has dominated the study of MNE

organization in the International Business (IB) field since the mid-1980s, when

the focus of inquiry shifted from asking how a firm becomes multinational to

what advantages a firm derives from being multinational. This model portrays

the MNE as having a sustainable advantage over local firms (and other MNEs)

only if each subsidiary develops distinctive location-based capabilities and par-

ticipates in exchanges of knowledge and learning as well as goods and services

with other subsidiaries. There were two variants of this model. One, the ‘transna-

tional’ model (Bartlett and Ghoshal, 1989), portrayed the MNE as a hierarchy in

which the MNE HQ orchestrated cross-unit cooperation and competition; the

other, Gunnar Hedlund’s ‘heterarchy’ model, which has been influential in

academia but much less so in managerial circles, saw coordination as emergent

from the network itself (Hedlund, 1986). The integrated network model, in

either variant, has important implications for industrial districts: as the

authors observe, ‘By combining these different types of institutionally rooted

capabilities and developing new forms of hybridization between them, multina-

tional corporations could thus benefit not only themselves but also the many

local communities which they tap into and interconnect’ (p. 302).

The authors bring to their analysis of APV a distinctive perspective on the

MNE. Most research on the transnational has taken an HQ perspective; the

smaller body of subsidiary-focused studies adopts the view of the subsidiary

manager. Kristensen and Zeitlin see the MNE from the shop-floor rather than

the manager’s office. Both this perspective and their deep knowledge of the indus-

trial districts in which these engineering-based plants are embedded provide rich

insights into the nature and complexity of the organizational capabilities of which

many in management fields talk so glibly. These organizational capabilities are

grounded in the skills, identities, interests and interactions of the different occu-

pational groups within the workplace and in the local institutional context of

training and labour market institutions. They take a long time to build, and

they can quickly be eroded by executive decisions taken by HQ managers who

may not even know what has produced the performance they value so highly,

let alone understand how to maintain those capabilities.

They also provide a distinctive perspective on the MNE HQ, which they see

not as a separate level of analysis from the local subsidiaries and the provider

of the global perspective on the MNE network in its entirety, but as a unit that

is as locally embedded in its industrial district as the most parochial of

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subsidiaries. The APV HQ industrial district was the City of London network of

‘institutional investors, fund managers, securities analysts, and financial

journalists’ (p. 21) whose collective view of the performance of APV determined

its share price, and therefore the remuneration and longevity of top executives,

access to external investment capital and susceptibility to takeover by a more

aggressive and highly regarded firm. This cluster was also as much the local

employment network for the executives as the local industrial district was for

the skilled craftsmen.

It is impossible to do justice to their analysis in a short review, but basically,

they found that two subsidiaries experienced significant destruction of their

capabilities over the time period of the study, and the third, in Denmark, was,

at the time the study was cut short by the takeover of APV, in danger of being

eroded by success (its managers were being promoted out of the plant, and its

resources stretched thin by demands on its remaining personnel to act as a learn-

ing resource for other subsidiaries). Despite the embrace of the transnational

model by the London HQ of APV (‘In comparing Bartlett and Ghoshal’s concrete

recommendations with what happened in APV, one might think that the top

managers at Lygon Place had simply copied these authors’ programme

step-by-step’ [p. 193]), the outcome was conflict and ‘warring fiefdoms’ rather

than coordination in an integrated network. The question the authors—and

the readers—ask is whether APV’s experience is idiosyncratic, common to all

MNEs, or common to a significant subset of MNEs.

There are some grounds for dismissing APV as an unusual case. APV was con-

structed through a series of mergers and acquisitions, and although those acqui-

sitions began in the mid-1980s, the company lacked a strong base company to

drive the integration process, and well into the 1990s seemed to allow high

levels of local autonomy. This made subsidiaries even more resistant to centrally

driven coordination efforts when they were finally undertaken. And APV faced

strong financial pressures because of the relatively concentrated pattern of own-

ership in London-based institutional investors and the high level of debt taken on

to finance the acquisitions, which intensified short-term performance pressures

and resulted in high turnover at the top of the company. Moreover, it is a case

of an unsuccessful firm, one which was taken over in 1997 (ending the

authors’ access to the company) and which has been taken over, sold off and

restructured several times since then. Throughout this study, APV was under-

going continuous headcount reduction, divestments and executive turnover,

and this would erode capabilities in any company, domestic or MNE.

Kristensen and Zeitlin themselves see APV as typifying the stresses facing

MNEs today. Based on APV and on their reading of a number of recent case

studies, they assert that the problems are generic rather than specific to one

company, that APV’s continuing performance problems were integrally linked

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to their MNE organization, and that that the barriers to achieving the transna-

tional model are inherent in the model itself. First, HQ executives cannot possibly

have the depth of knowledge of each of their many diverse subsidiaries to make

well-informed decisions about the roles each unit should play. The number and

variety of sites even within a single business unit have become too great, and

therefore executives rely on a small number of standardized performance indi-

cators that are, by their very nature, backward-looking rather than

forward-looking, reflecting investments and capabilities built up in the past

rather than the current activities that will pay off in the future. Second, the dom-

inance of the global business division structure reinforces this focus on efficiency

(narrowly defined in terms of costs) and short-term performance. Indeed,

Bartlett and Ghoshal’s model looked to a balance of power and perspectives

across business division, country and functional managers to maintain

cooperation and limit competition within the transnational. Many MNEs

today have eliminated country managers and put the functions under the

business units, tipping the balance heavily to the business divisions, with all

the problems that Kristensen and Zeitlin describe so well.

Third, MNE HQ are increasingly the captives of a financial community that is

locally concentrated, densely networked and characterized by narrow and

strongly convergent views of what makes a good company. This leads to rapid

changes in strategic direction when performance flags, producing many of the

dysfunctional behaviours noted by the authors and familiar to anyone who has

recently worked with MNEs. These include redefining businesses as ‘non-core’

and selling them off, even when they are co-located within a multi-product

plant in a key subsidiary and closely integrated with its production systems;

resorting to a succession of external consultants, who must come up with differ-

ent ‘solutions’ to justify their very hefty fees; across-the-board headcount

reductions; and mandated outsourcing, even when a plant has a competitive

advantage in a particular component or subsystem that is central to its competi-

tive advantage. Additionally, the reward systems and reciprocity norms of MNEs

are individually focused, rather than unit-focused: as the authors observe, ‘profit-

sharing in whatever form receives very little attention not only in our case but in

the general literature on the organization of MNEs’ (p. 231), which suggests to

them that the problem is generic rather than specific. Finally, in the context of

these patterns in the MNE, each unit (including HQ) develops narratives that

attribute problems to other units, leading to negative attributions that become

increasingly difficult to overcome as they become entrenched over time.

If this study prompts new research to assess the generalizability of their find-

ings, then their contribution to the field will be even greater. We need more

studies of the MNEs assembled by acquisition over the last decade of torrid cross-

border M&A, especially those like APV in the middle of industry value chains,

Local Players in Global Games 393

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where consolidation has been driven by concentration in final product markets

(such as Unilever and Nestle in food processing, APV’s market). We need more

comparative studies of subsidiaries in the same location under different

ownership, to explore whether (as the authors suggest) Anglo-Saxon MNEs are

particularly susceptible to the pathologies they describe. Comparative studies

of MNEs headquartered in a major financial centre and those well outside

those centres might be very illuminating. And we need more studies over time

of the Centres of Excellence in MNEs that were analysed in the mid-1990s:

have they sustained their capabilities and their role since those initial studies

were conducted?

Perhaps their most interesting finding, and one that points the way for the

authors towards a new organizational form for the MNE, was that a cooperative

network seemed at times to be emerging among the APV subsidiaries, based on

different locationally specific advantages. This emergent network was, however,

continually (and unintentionally) disrupted by a HQ obsessed with centrally

driven ‘best practice’ as recognized by the City of London. They suggest that

the HQ-driven transnational model underlies many of the problems that

MNEs face today, and that the only viable way forward is an emergent model

that looks more like a heterarchy than a hierarchy—and which also looks remark-

ably like a virtual industrial district—in which competition and cooperation are

balanced by the interactions of the players, not by a presiding authority. While

their thoughtful and detailed discussion of the steps involved in moving in this

direction may sound idealistic, it is certainly no more so than the ‘transnational

solution’ of Bartlett and Ghoshal.

References

Bartlett, C. A. and Ghoshal, S. (1989) Managing Across Borders: The Transnational Solution,

Boston, MA, Harvard Business School Press.

Hedlund, G. (1986) ‘The Hypermodern MNC: A Heterarchy?’, Human Resource Manage-

ment, 25, 9 – 35.

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