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Write a paragraph in response to each of the following questions. Be sure to indicate the assignment number and your name at the top of your paper (or the TA will have trouble giving you credit). Congress’ first major action to preserve wilderness was to grant the Yosemite Valley to the State of California for the establishment of a state park. Given that history, why did Congress decide to make Yellowstone a national park? How do you think public lands policy in the West would have worked out differently if Yellowstone had become a statepark (and Yosemite remained a state park)?Thoreau, Samuel Hammond, Thomas Cole, James Fennimore Cooper, and others arrived at the conclusion that there needed to be some sort of “compromise” between wilderness and civilization. Describe some of their ideas about how to achieve that compromise. What do you think of those ideas?What nationalistic impulses do you observe in the Roosevelt speech?How do the scientific principles outlined by Humboldt underlie the late 19th century cultural imperative to preserve wilderness?How do you observe that imperative in the works of Church and Dvorak? Are they merely reflecting that imperative, or are they leading it?
https://
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Frederic Edwin Church (1826–1900) | Essay | Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History | The Metropolitan Museum of Art
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“Though Church had rarely shared his teacher’s taste for explicit moral and religious allegory in landscape art, he often disclosed both his patriotism and his piety.”
2 Attachments
TheodoreRoosevelt
Address to the Governors’ Conference on the Conservation of Natural Resources
May 1908
Governors of the several States; and Gentlemen:
I welcome you to this Conference at the White House. You have come hither at my request, so
that we may join together to consider the question of the conservation and use of the great
fundamental sources of wealth of this Nation.
So vital is this question, that for the first time in our history the chief executive officers of the
States separately, and of the States together forming the Nation, have met to consider it. It is the
chief material question that confronts us, second only–and second always–to the great
fundamental questions of morality.
[Applause]
With the governors come men from each State chosen for their special acquaintance with the
terms of the problem that is before us. Among them are experts in natural resources and
representatives of national organizations concerned in the development and use of these
resources; the Senators and Representatives in Congress; the Supreme Court, the Cabinet, and
the Inland Waterways Commission have likewise been invited to the Conference, which is
therefore national in a peculiar sense.
This Conference on the conservation of natural resources is in effect a meeting of the
representatives of all the people of the United States called to consider the weightiest problem
now before the Nation; and the occasion for the meeting lies in the fact that the natural resources
of our country are in danger of exhaustion if we permit the old wasteful methods of exploiting
them longer to continue.
With the rise of peoples from savagery to civilization, and with the consequent growth in the
extent and variety of the needs of the average man, there comes a steadily increasing growth of
the amount demanded by this average man from the actual resources of the country. And yet,
rather curiously, at the same time that there comes that increase in what the average man
demands from the resources, he is apt to grow to lose the sense of his dependence upon nature.
He lives in big cities. He deals in industries that do not bring him in close touch with nature. He
does not realize the demands he is making upon nature. For instance, he finds, as he has found
before in many parts of this country, that it is cheaper to build his house of concrete than of
wood, learning in this way only that he has allowed the woods to become exhausted. That is
happening, as you know, in parts of this country at this very time.
Savages, and very primitive peoples generally, concern themselves only with superficial natural
resources; with those which they obtain from the actual surface of the ground. As peoples
become a little less primitive, their industries, although in a rude manner, are extended to
resources below the surface; then, with what we call civilization and the extension of knowledge,
more resources come into use, industries are multiplied, and foresight begins to become a
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necessary and prominent factor in life. Crops are cultivated; animals are domesticated; and
metals are mastered.
We cannot do any of these things without foresight, and we cannot, when the nation becomes
fully civilized and very rich, continue to be civilized and rich unless the nation shows more
foresight than we are showing at this moment as a nation. [Applause]
Every step of the progress of mankind is marked by the discovery and use of natural resources
previously unused. Without such progressive knowledge and utilization of natural resources
population could not grow, nor industries multiply, nor the hidden wealth of the earth be
developed for the benefit of mankind.
From the first beginnings of civilization, on the banks of the Nile and the Euphrates, the
industrial progress of the world has gone on slowly, with occasional set-backs, but on the whole
steadily, through tens of centuries to the present day.
It never does advance by jumps, gentlemen. It always goes slowly. There are occasional set-
backs, but on the whole it goes steadily.
But of late the rapidity of the process has increased at such a rate that more space has been
actually covered during the century and a quarter occupied by our national life than during the
preceding six thousand years that take us back to the earliest monuments of Egypt, to the earliest
cities of the Babylonian plain.
Now, I ask you to think what that means; and I am speaking with historic literalness. In the
development, the use, and therefore the exhaustion of certain of the natural resources, the
progress has been more rapid in the past century and a quarter than during all preceding time of
which we have record.
When the founders of this nation met at Independence Hall in Philadelphia the conditions of
commerce had not fundamentally changed from what they were when the Phoenician keels first
furrowed the lonely waters of the Mediterranean.
You turn to Homer–some of you did in your school days, even if you do not now [laughter]–and
you will see that he spoke, not of the Mediterranean but of one corner of the Egean only, as a
limitless waste of water which no one had traversed. There is now no nook of the earth that we
are not searching.
When our forefathers met in Independence Hall, the differences were those of degrees, not of
kind, and they were not in all cases even those of degree. Mining was carried on fundamentally
as it had been carried on by the Pharaohs in the countries adjacent to the Red Sea. Explorers
now-a-days by the shores of the Red Sea strike countries that they call new, but they find in them
mines, with sculptures of the Pharaohs, showing that those mines were worked out and exhausted
thousands of years before the Christian era.
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In 1776 the wares of the merchants of Boston, of Charleston, like the wares of the merchants of
Nineveh and Sidon, if they went by water, were carried by boats propelled by sails or oars; if
they went by land were carried in wagons drawn by beasts of draft or in packs on the backs of
beasts of burden. The ships that crossed the high seas were better than the ships that three
thousand years before crossed the Egean, but they were of the same type, after all–they were
wooden ships propelled by sails. There the difference was one of degree in our favor. On shore
the difference was one of degree against us, for on land the roads, at the end of the eighteenth
century, when this country became a nation, were not as good as the roads of the Roman Empire,
while the service of the posts, at any rate prior to the days of Benjamin Franklin, was probably
inferior. In the previous eighteen hundred years there had been a retrogression in roads and in
postal service.
In Washington’s time anthracite coal was known only as a useless black stone; and the great
fields of bituminous coal were undiscovered. As steam was unknown, the use of coal for power
production was undreamed of. Water was practically the only source of power, saved the labor of
men and animals; and this power was used only in the most primitive fashion. But a few small
iron deposits had been found in this country, and the use of iron by our countrymen was very
small. Wood was practically the only fuel, and what lumber was sawed was consumed locally,
while the forests were regarded chiefly as obstructions to settlement and cultivation. The man
who cut down a tree was held to have conferred a service upon his fellows.
Such was the degree of progress to which civilized mankind had attained when this nation began
its career. It is almost impossible for us in this day to realize how little our Revolutionary
ancestors knew of the great store of natural resources whose discovery and use have been such
vital factors in the growth and greatness of this Nation, and how little they required to take from
this store in order to satisfy their needs.
Since then our knowledge and use of the resources of the present territory of the United States
have increased a hundred-fold. Indeed, the growth of this Nation by leaps and bounds makes one
of the most striking and important chapters in the history of the world. Its growth has been due to
the rapid development, and alas that it should be said! to the rapid destruction, of our natural
resources. Nature has supplied to us in the United States, and still supplies to us, more kinds of
resources in a more lavish degree than has ever been the case at any other time or with any other
people. Our position in the world has been attained by the extent and thoroughness of the control
we have achieved over nature; but we are more, and not less, dependent upon what she furnishes
than at any previous time of history since the days of primitive man.
Yet our fathers, though they knew so little of the resources of the country, exercised a wise
forethought in reference thereto. Washington clearly saw that the perpetuity of the States could
only be secured by union, and that the only feasible basis of union was an economic one; in other
words, that it must be based on the development and use of their natural resources. Accordingly,
he helped to outline a scheme of commercial development, and by his influence an interstate
waterways commission was appointed by Virginia and Maryland.
It met near where we are now meeting, in Alexandria, adjourned to Mount Vernon, and took up
the consideration of interstate commerce by the only means then available, that of water; and the
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trouble we have since had with the railways has been mainly due to the fact that naturally our
forefathers could not divine that the iron road would become the interstate and international
highway, instead of the old route by water. Further conferences were arranged, first at Annapolis,
and then at Philadelphia. It was in Philadelphia that the representatives of all the States met for
what was in its original conception merely a waterways conference; but when they had closed
their deliberations the outcome was the Constitution which made the States into a nation.
[Applause]
The Constitution of the United States thus grew in large part out of the necessity for united
action in the wise of one of our natural resources. The wise use of all of our natural resources,
which are our national resources as well, is the great material question of today. I have asked you
to come together now because the enormous consumption of these resources, and the threat of
imminent exhaustion of some of them, due to reckless and wasteful use, once more calls for
common effort, common action.
We want to take action that will prevent the advent of a woodless age, and defer as long as
possible the advent of an ironless age. [Applause]
Since the days when the Constitution was adopted, steam and electricity have revolutionized the
industrial world. Nowhere has the revolution been so great as in our own country. The discovery
and utilization of mineral fuels and alloys have given us the lead over all other nations in the
production of steel. The discovery and utilization of coal and iron have given us our railways,
and have led to such industrial development as has never before been seen. The vast wealth of
lumber in our forests, the riches of our soils and mines, the discovery of gold and mineral oils,
combined with the efficiency of our transportation, have made the conditions of our life
unparalleled in comfort and convenience.
A great many of these things are truisms. Much of what I say is so familiar to us that it seems
commonplace to repeat it; but familiar though it is, I do not think as a nation we understand what
its real bearing is. It is so familiar that we disregard it. [Applause]
The steadily increasing drain on these natural resources has promoted to an extraordinary degree
the complexity of our industrial and social life. Moreover, this unexampled development has had
a determining effect upon the character and opinions of our people. The demand for efficiency in
the great task has given us vigor, effectiveness, decision, and power, and a capacity for
achievement which in its own lines has never yet been matched. [Applause] So great and so
rapid has been our material growth that there has been a tendency to lag behind in spiritual and
moral growth [laughter and applause]; but that is not the subject upon which I speak to you
today.
Disregarding for the moment the question of moral purpose, it is safe to say that the prosperity of
our people depends directly on the energy and intelligence with which our natural resources are
used. It is equally clear that these resources are the final basis of national power and perpetuity.
Finally, it is ominously evident that these resources are in ✓ the course of rapid exhaustion.
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This Nation began with the belief that its landed possessions were illimitable and capable of
supporting all the people who might care to make our country their home; but already the limit of
unsettled land is in sight, and indeed but little land fitted for agriculture now remains unoccupied
save what can be reclaimed by irrigation and drainage–a subject with which this Conference is
partly to deal. We began with an unapproached heritage of forests; more than half of the timber
is gone. We began with coal fields more extensive than those of any other nation and with iron
ores regarded as inexhaustible, and many experts now declare that the end of both iron and coal
is in sight.
The mere increase in our consumption of coal during 1907 over 1906 exceeded the total
consumption in 1876, the Centennial year. This is a striking fact: Thirty years went by, and the
mere surplus of use of one year over the preceding year exceeded all that was used in 1876–and
we thought we were pretty busy people even then. The enormous stores of mineral oil and gas
are largely gone; and those Governors who have in their States cities built up by natural gas,
where the natural gas has since been exhausted, can tell us something of what that means. Our
natural waterways are not gone, but they have been so injured by neglect, and by the division of
responsibility and utter lack of system in dealing with them, that there is less navigation on them
now than there was fifty years ago. Finally, we began with soils of unexampled fertility, and we
have so impoverished them by injudicious use and by failing to check erosion that their crop-
producing power is diminishing instead of increasing. In a word, we have thoughtlessly, and to a
large degree unnecessarily, diminished the resources upon which not only our prosperity but the
prosperity of our children and our children’s children must always depend.
We have become great in a material sense because of the lavish use of our resources, and we
have just reason to be proud of our growth. But the time has come to inquire seriously what will
happen when our forests are gone, when the coal, the iron, the oil, and the gas are exhausted,
when the soils shall have been still further impoverished and washed into the streams, polluting
the rivers, denuding the fields, and obstructing navigation. These questions do not relate only to
the next century or to the next generation. One distinguishing characteristic of really civilized
men is foresight; we have to, as a nation, exercise foresight for this nation in the future; and if we
do not exercise that foresight, dark will be the future! [Applause] We should exercise foresight
now, as the ordinarily prudent man exercises foresight in conserving and wisely using the
property which contains the assurance of well-being for himself and his children. We want to see
a man own his farm rather than rent it, because we want to see it an object to him to transfer it in
better order to his children. We want to see him exercise forethought for the next generation. We
need to exercise it in some fashion ourselves as a nation for the next generation.
The natural resources I have enumerated can be divided into two sharply distinguished classes
accordingly as they are or are not capable of renewal. Mines if used must necessarily be
exhausted. The minerals do not and can not renew themselves. Therefore in dealing with the
coal, the oil, the gas, the iron, the metals generally, all that we can do is to try to see that they are
wisely used. The exhaustion is certain to come in time. We can trust that it will be deferred long
enough to enable the extraordinarily inventive genius of our people to devise means and methods
for more or less adequately replacing what is lost; but the exhaustion is sure to come.
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The second class of resources consists of those which can not only be used in such manner as to
leave them undiminished for our children, but can actually be improved by wise use. The soil,
the forests, the waterways come in this category. Every one knows that a really good farmer
leaves his farm more valuable at the end of his life than it was when he first took hold of it. So
with the waterways. So with the forests. In dealing with mineral resources, man is able to
improve on nature only by putting the resources to a beneficial use which in the end exhausts
them; but in dealing with the soil and its products man can improve on nature by compelling the
resources to renew and even reconstruct themselves in such manner as to serve increasingly
beneficial uses–while the living waters can be so controlled as to multiply their benefits.
Neither the primitive man nor the pioneer was aware of any duty to posterity in dealing with the
renewable resources. When the American settler felled the forests, he felt that there was plenty of
forest left for the sons who came after him. When he exhausted the soil of his farm, he felt that
his son could go West and take up another. The Kentuckian or the Ohioan felled the forest and
expected his son to move west and fell other forests on the banks of the Mississippi; the
Georgian exhausted his farm and moved into Alabama or to the mouth of the Yazoo to take
another. So it was with his immediate successors. When the soil-wash from the farmer’s field
choked the neighboring river, the only thought was to use the railway rather than the boats to
move produce and supplies. That was so up to the generation that preceded ours.
Now all this is changed. On the average the son of the farmer of today must make his living on
his father’s farm. There is no difficulty in doing this if the father will exercise wisdom. No wise
use of a farm exhausts its fertility. So with the forests. We are over the verge of a timber famine
in this country, and it is unpardonable for the Nation or the States to permit any further cutting of
our timber save in accordance with a system which will provide that the next generation shall see
the timber increased instead of diminished. [Applause]
Just let me interject one word as to a particular type of folly of which it ought not to be necessary
to speak. We stop wasteful cutting of timber; that of course makes a slight shortage at the
moment. To avoid that slight shortage at the moment, there are certain people so foolish that they
will incur absolute shortage in the future, and they are willing to stop all attempts to conserve the
forests, because of course by wastefully using them at the moment we can for a year or two
provide against any lack of wood. That is like providing for the farmer’s family to live
sumptuously on the flesh of the milch cow. [Laughter.] Any farmer can live pretty well for a year
if he is content not to live at all the year after. [Laughter and applause]
We can, moreover, add enormous tracts of the most valuable possible agricultural land to the
national domain by irrigation in the arid and semi-arid regions, and by drainage of great tracts of
swamp land in the humid regions. We can enormously increase our transportation facilities by
the canalization of our rivers so as to complete a great system of waterways on the Pacific,
Atlantic, and Gulf coasts and in the Mississippi Valley, from the Great Plains to the Alleghenies,
and from the northern lakes to the mouth of the mighty Father of Waters. But all these various
uses of our natural resources are so closely connected that they should be coordinated, and
should be treated as part of one coherent plan and not in haphazard and piecemeal fashion.
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It is largely because of this that I appointed the Waterways Commission last year, and that I
sought to perpetuate its work. There are members of the coordinate branch present. The reason
this meeting takes place is because we had that waterways commission last year. I had to
prosecute the work by myself. I have asked Congress to pass a bill giving some small sum of
money for the perpetuation of that Commission. If Congress does not act, I will perpetuate the
Commission ✓ anyway, [Great applause] but of course it is a great deal better that Congress
should act; [Applause] it enables the work to be more effectively done. I hope there will be
action. But the Commission will go ahead.
I wish to take this opportunity to express in heartiest fashion my acknowledgment to all the
members of the Commission. At great personal sacrifice of time and effort they have rendered a
service to the public for which we can not be too grateful. Especial credit is due to the initiative,
the energy, the devotion to duty, and the farsightedness of Gifford Pinchot, [Great applause] to
whom we owe so much of the progress we have already made in handling this matter of the
coordination and conservation of natural resources. If it had not been for him this convention
neither would nor could have been called.
We are coming to recognize as never before the right of the Nation to guard its own future in the
essential matter of natural resources. In the past we have admitted the right of the individual to
injure the future of the Republic for his own present profit. In fact there has been a good deal of a
demand for unrestricted individualism, for the right of the individual to injure the future of all of
us for his own temporary and immediate profit. The time has come for a change. As a people we
have the right and the duty, second to none other but the right and duty of obeying the moral law,
of requiring and doing justice, to protect ourselves and our children against the wasteful
development of our natural resources, whether that waste is caused by the actual destruction of
such resources or by making them impossible of development hereafter.
Any right thinking father earnestly desires and strives to leave his son both an untarnished name
and a reasonable equipment for the struggle of life. So this Nation as a whole should earnestly
desire and strive to leave to the next generation the national honor unstained and the national
resources unexhausted. There are signs that both the Nation and the States are waking to a
realization of this great truth- On March 10, 1908, the Supreme Court of Maine rendered an
exceedingly important judicial decision. This opinion was rendered in response to questions as to
the right of the Legislature to restrict the cutting of trees on private land for the prevention of
droughts and floods, the preservation of the natural water supply, and the prevention of the
erosion of such lands, and the consequent filling up of rivers, ponds, and lakes. The forests and
water power of Maine constitute the larger part of her wealth and form the basis of her industrial
life, and the question submitted by the Maine Senate to the Supreme Court and the answer of the
Supreme Court alike bear testimony to the wisdom of the people of Maine, and clearly define a
policy of conservation of natural resources, the adoption of which is of vital importance not
merely to Maine but to the whole country. [Applause]
Such a policy will preserve soil, forests, water power as a heritage for the children and the
children’s children of the men and women of this generation; for any enactment that provides for
the wise utilization of the forests, whether in public or private ownership, and for the
conservation of the water resources of the country, must necessarily be legislation that will
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promote both private and public welfare; for flood prevention, water-power development,
preservation of the soil, and improvement of navigable rivers are all promoted by such a policy
of forest conservation.
The opinion of the Maine Supreme Bench sets forth unequivocally the principle that the property
rights of the individual are subordinate to the rights of the community, and especially that the
waste of wild timber land derived originally from the State, involving as it would the
impoverishment of the State and its People and thereby defeating a great purpose of government,
may properly be prevented by State restrictions.
The Court says that there are two reasons why the right of the public to control and limit the use
of private property is peculiarly applicable to property in land:
First, such property is not the result of productive labor, but is derived solely from the State
itself, the original owner; second, the amount of land being incapable of increase, if the owners
of large tracts can waste them at will without State restriction, the State and its people may be
helplessly impoverished and one great purpose of government defeated. * * * We do not think
the proposed legislation would operate to “take” private property within the inhibition of the
Constitution. While it might restrict the owner of wild and uncultivated lands in his use of them,
might delay his taking some of the product, might delay his anticipated profits and even thereby
might cause him some loss of profit, it would nevertheless leave him his lands, their product and
increase, untouched, and without diminution of title, estate, or quantity. He would still have large
measure of control and large opportunity to realize values. He might suffer delay but not
deprivation. * * * The proposed legislation * * * would be within the legislative power and
would not operate as a taking of private property for which compensation must be made.
The Court of Errors and Appeals of New Jersey has adopted a similar view, which has recently
been sustained by the Supreme Court of the United States. In delivering the opinion of the Court
on April 6, 1908, Mr. Justice Holmes said:
The State as quasi sovereign and representative of the interests of the public has a standing in
court to protect the atmosphere, the water, and the forests within its territory, irrespective of the
assent or dissent of the private owners of the land most immediately concerned. * * * It appears
to us that few public interests are more obvious, indisputable and independent of particular
theory than the interest of the public of a State to maintain the rivers that are wholly within it
substantially undiminished, except by such drafts upon them as the guardian of the public
welfare may permit for the purpose of turning them to a more perfect use.
[Applause]
This public interest is omnipresent wherever there is a State, and grows more pressing as
population grows.
Not as a dictum of law, which I cannot make, but as a dictum of moral, I wish to say that this
applies to more than the forests and streams. [Laughter and applause] The learned Justice
proceeds:
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We are of opinion, further, that the constitutional power of the State to insist that its natural
advantages shall remain unimpaired by its citizens is not dependent upon any nice estimate of the
extent of present use or speculation as to future needs. The legal conception of the necessary is
apt to be confined to somewhat rudimentary wants, and there are benefits from a great river that
might escape a lawyer’s view.
[Laughter] I have simply quoted. [Laughter]
But the State is not required to submit even to an esthetic analysis. Any analysis may be
inadequate. It finds itself in possession of what all admit to be a great public good, and want it
has it may keep and give no one a reason for its will.
These decisions reach the root of the idea of conservation of our resources in the interests of our
people.
Finally, let us remember that the conservation of our natural resources, though the gravest
problem of today, is yet but part of another and greater problem to which this Nation is not yet
awake, but to which it will awake in time, and with which it must hereafter grapple if it is to live-
-the problem of national efficiency, the patriotic duty of insuring the safety and continuance of
the Nation. [Applause.] When the People of the United States consciously undertake to raise
themselves as citizens, and the Nation and the States in their several spheres, to the highest pitch
of excellence in private, State, and national life, and to do this because it is the first of all the
duties of true patriotism, then and not till then the future of this Nation, in quality and in time,
will be assured. [Great applause]
After the conclusion of the opening address (the President being in the chair), Captain Mc Coy ,
Aide to the President, requested the Conferees to pass through the main entrance in order that the
President might have the pleasure of greeting them personally; also that the Vice-President, the
Justices of the Supreme Court, the Cabinet, the Governors of the States and other dinner guests
of the evening before, including the members of the Inland Waterways Commission, should pass
into the Blue Drawing Room before leaving the building.
The President: Information concerning the arrangements for the Conference and the
entertainment of members can be obtained from Dr W J McGee, the Secretary of the Inland
Waterways Commission, or from Mr Thomas R. Shipp, the General Secretary of the
Conference.
In view of the large number of topics to be considered and the need of several of the Governors
to be home soon as possible, the special statements by éxperts should be limited to twenty
minutes, and ex tempore discussion to ten minutes, unless it is extended by the Governors
themselves. A bell will ring once three minutes before the end of the time, and twice when the
time has expired.
The Proceedings of the Conference will be recorded, and published in full; but it might be
desirable to summarize some of the results. I would be glad, if the Governors see fit, to provide
for a Committee on Resolutions to formulate general conclusions, should that meet with your
approval. If you see fit to appoint such a committee, I think it should be appointed at the opening
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of the Second (or afternoon) Session. I make the suggestion to you simply as a suggestion, so
that you may have something to work on. For the same purpose, I suggest that Governors
Blanchard, of Louisiana, Fort, of New Jersey, Cutler, of Utah, Davidson, of Wisconsin, and
Ansel, of South Carolina, might be named as such a committee. Those names have been
suggested to me by various governors and others present. I simply put them before you for your
consideration; you can of course name any committee you may desire. Resolutions should be
referred to the committee without discussion, the discussion to follow the committee’s report
upon them.
Governor Johnson: Mr President, following your suggestion, I would move, if it is proper at this
time, that the committee suggested by yourself be made the Committee on Resolutions of this
Conference.
The motion was seconded by several Governors.
The President: Gentlemen, you have heard the motion, which has been seconded. Is any other
motion offered, or is debate desired?
On demand for the question a viva voce vote was taken, and the motion was agreed to without
dissenting voice.
Governor Noel: I move that the second suggestion, that all resolutions shall be referred to this
Committee without debate, be adopted.
The motion was seconded; and the question being demanded, the motion was put and was agreed
to without dissent.
The President: Gentlemen, I shall now have the pleasure of meeting you personally as you pass
through the Blue Room.
So the Conference rose at 12.05 p. m.
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