Was the American Revolution Radical

Why or why not use examples from all 4 articles…



Abigail Jhon adams

Henry  Knox

George washington


Paft Five: The Ame can Revolution

5-6 Petition of “A Grate Number of Blackes of the Province” to Govarno.
Thomas Gage and the Members of the Massachusetts General Court (1774)

Echoing the natural rights language of the rebellious colonists. this petition sought to €xtend these
rights to the slave population. Using the arguments ot natural rights. moral outrage, and Christian prin-
ciple, the petitioners seek to achieve the same rights as lhe colonists who are calling for independence.
It would, however, be many years before such rights would be extended.

Your Petirioncrs apprehend we hav€ in cornmon wirh all other men a naturel righl to our ftcedoms wilhoul Bcing depriv’d
ofthem by our fellow m€n as we arc a fteebom Pepel and havc never iorfeit€d this Blessing by ancy compact or agree-
nent whatever. But w€ were qnj stly dmgg€d by rhe cruel hand of pow€r from our dearest &iends and sulrl of us stolen
from lhe bosoms of our tcndcr Pffcnrs and from a Populous Plcu-sant lnd plentiful counrry and Brought bither to be made
slaves for Life in a Christian land. Tbus we are deprived ofevcry thing that halh a tendercy 10 make life evcn tolerable,
the endearing ties of husband und wife we are sFangerc to. . . . Our children are also taken from us by force aod sent maley

‘ n i l e s f i o m u s . . . . T h u s o u l L i v c s a r c i n b i t t e r e d . . . . T h e r € i s a g r c a t n u m b e r o f u s s c n c e a r . . . . m c m b c r s o f t h e C h u r c hof Christ how can lhc mastcr and thc slav€ be said to tulfil that commnnd Live in love let Brotherly Love contuner and
abound Beare yea onc nolhcrs Bordenes. How can the mastcr bc said to Beare my Bord€n when hc Beares me down
which thc. – . . chancs ofslavcry. . . . Nither can we rcap an cq al bcncfet fiom rhe laws ofth€ t,and which dorh nol jus-
tili but condcmns Slavcry or ifthcre had bin aney L3w to hold us in Bondagc. – . . ther oever was aney to inslave our chit-
drcn fbr lifc wficn 80rtr in & lrec Countrey. We thercforc Bagc youJ Excellcncy and Honours will. . . . caus€ an aci ofthe
lcgislalivc to be pcsscd that wc may obtain our Natural rigbl o r frccdoms md our children be sct at lcbcty at rhe yeare of

1 . W h a t i s t h e p r i m a r y p l 6 a o f t h e w r i t e r s o f t h i s p e t i t i o n ?
2 . W h a t i s t h e i r r € a s o n i n g f o r t h i s r e q u e s t ?
3 . W h a t i d o a l s d o t h e y a p p e a l t o i n t h e i r p l e a ?

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Part Five: The American Revolution

5-8 Thomas Jeffe6on, -Original Rough Oraught- of thg
Declaration of Independene (l?761

The ‘original Bough draught’ of th€ Declaration of Indep€ndence, ons of the great milestones in Atner-
ican history shows the evolulion of the text trom th€ initial -tair copy” dtafr by Thomas Jeffetaon to the
final text adopted by Congress on the morning o{ July 4, 1775.

A D€claration of 0le Representalives ofthe Uritcd SbIcs ofAmcric4 in creneral Corgress assembM.

When in rhe couse of hur|an events it bcromcs n€ccsssry tbr a people !o advanc€ from tbat suMinalion in wbich thcy bavc
hitheno r€main€4 & lo a.ssume among thc powers of thc earth lhe e4ual & indep€nd€nt slation to *4ricb tbe laws of natu.c
& of naturc’s god entitle th€m, a dcc€rt rcspect to the opiniods of madkind rcquir€s lhat they should declarc dle caNes which
impel them to the change.

W€ hold these tnd|s to be $crcd & undctriablc that all mcn arc crealed €qual & ind€p€dad, that fion tbat cqual
creation thcy derive rights inherent & inalicnablc, among which are Ihc prcservation of life, & lib€rty, & the pursuit of hap-
pincss; that to secure ihese ends, govemmcnts are institulcd among mcn, dcriving their jusr powers ftom thc conscnt o[ ihe
govcmcd; th0t whetrcvcl any fbrm ol govcmmcnt shall become deslructilc of thcse ends, it is the ri8ht of thc pcoplc lo altcr
or lo lbolish it, & to institutc ncw govcnment, laying its loundrtion on such principles & ortanisiog it’s powers in such form,
as to them shall scsm most likely to etlect th€ir saf€ty & hsppiness. prudcncc indeed will dictate that govemments long
e,slsblished should nor be cbanged for lighr & Farsienl cr ses: and accordingly rll exFrience hath shewo lhat mankind arc
rnorc disposcd to suffer while cvils arc s!fremble, ftan to riShi thcmsclvss by abolishing the forms to whicb lhcy atc accus-
rolned. but whcn a long taio ofsbuses & usurpations, begun al a distinguishcd pcriod, & pur$ring invariably thc satne obj€cl,
evinces a d€si8n to subjecl lhem lo atbinrry power, it is their righl il is their duty. to lhrow offsuch govemm€d & to pro-
vide ncw guards for th€il fu$re s€curity. such h&s b€cn d|c psticnt sufrercnce of tficsc oolonics; & such is now the nec€ssity
which contrains them io expungc thcir ftrmcr systcm$ of govcrnmcnt. th€ hislory of his prescnt msjcsfy, is a history of
unrcmitting injurics and usurpations, among which no onc fsct stand$ singlc or solitary lo conhdict tb€ uniform tenor ofihe
r€st, dl of which have in dircct objcrt U|c !’slsblishmeot ofan absolulc t)T anny overllEse states. to provc this, lel ft.tr bc sub-
nirted !o a c$did worl4 for th€ Euth ofwhich wc plc{gc a failh yct onsulli€d by fslschood.

hc hs rcfij-scd his asr€nt to hws dlc rn6t wholcsornc ud n es\ary for th€ Frblic good:
hc hss forbiddo hjs govGnors to pe3s laws ofinuncdialc & Fsiling importasa. ur |ss suqedcd in their opqdion till

his as!€nt slFuld bc obtain€d: and whcn so suspedled, hc has DcSleclcd uncrly to drend to thc|n.
he has rEfi$cd topa.ss od|c laws for d|c s.connnodation of largc districr.s ofp€ople unless tho6c pcople would rclirqtlish

rh€ righl ofreprEscnradorf a right jnestimable to lhem. & formidable to tymnts aknte.
he has dissolved Repns€xrtarive hous$ rcpeatedly & continuslly, for opFrsing with manly finrmess his inv$ioos on thc

riShts oflhe people:
he has rcfused for a loog spa.e oftinr€ to caus€ otheis to b€ electcd, whc’rcby th€ legislative powe6. incapabl€ ofanni

hilati(x\ hs\e r€tu’rl€d to the p€opl€ a! latle for lheir exerci$e. thc srde r€rdtring in lhc metn tim€ expod€d to all fie &ngets of
inv&sion fiorn *ithout, & convulsiad within:

hc hss cnd€avor€d ro pr€ve thc pofriatiorl of thcrc sucr; for that purposc obdlructing $e laws fornatunlizrlion offor-

hc hrs suffbred dle administrulioD ofju$ticc n)tally to ccrsc in some oftl€sc colonicq rcfirsing h$ a.,{s€nt !o hw$ for estsb”
lishing judicisry powcm:

hc ha! made oujudgp$ dependcnt on his will alone, for thc tcnure of their offic!”r, &rd smout oftheir s!l8ies:
h€ hac crected a nultitude of n€w officcs by ! sclf-asquncd powet & sent hificr swarms of omcc|s to hstralrs out

p€ople & ed oul tbcir subet nca:
h€ has kc”t mdg us in timcs of p€ace suding atni€s & ships of \taf,
he lus afect€d io rnder the nrilit ry, indepen&trt of& superiar io thc civil powet
he h€s cornbi!€d with othe$ to subject us to aju.idiction for€ign to our constitutioas and umcknowl€gcd by our ltws;

giving his ass€nt to dr€ir prEtend acts ofl€islarioq for qurnering larg€ bodies ofanned troops among us;
for protecting th€rn by a mock-trial tom pur rlnn for any mud€Is tficy drcold commil on lhe inbabibnts ofthesc

for cniting ofro r t’ad€ widr all pans of th€ world;
for imposing Exes on us without our conscot:
for dc?rivirg us of d’e bencfib oftrisl by jury;

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Paft Five: The Ame.ican Revolution

for t”nsporting u bcyond seas to be tricd for prctended ofences:
for raking away oul chaners, & alt€ring fundamcntally the fonns of our governments;
for s$pending off o$rx l€slaturcs & declafhg themselvcs inv€ged with power to legislare for us in a cases whatsc

he has abdicared govenue h.rc, withdnwing his govcmo$, & dcclaring 0s out ofhis allegianc€ & protection:
hc has plundsed our s€as, ruvagcd our corsts, bumt our lowns & desooyed lhe lives ofour p€ople:
he is at this tim€ transporting largc armics of for€ign mcrccnuries to compleat the works ofdeattf de.rohtbn & ty.anny,

alr$dy begtm with circumslances ofouchy & perfidy unwonhy $c hcad ofa civilized nation:
he has endeavo.ed to bnng on the iifiabitdr s ofour liontic$ $c mcrciles.s Indim savagcs, wbosc l own rulc ofwnr-

fare is an undislinguishcd deiruction of all ages, scxcs, & condilions ofcxistcnccl
he ba.! incilcd trcasomblc insurections in our fcllow-subj€cts, wift lhc allurcmcnrs offorcleirur€ & confiscation of

He has waged crucl war against human naturc i({clt: violalinS il’s mo$l saorcd rightc oilifc & libcrty in lhc pcrsons ofa
distant p€ople who ncvcr o$rndcd hirn, captivating & carrying lhcm iDlo slavcry ir anorhcr hcmiQhnc, or to incur milemble deatlr
in their trdnsportation thilhcr this piratical warfarc. thc opprobrium of ,n/tdcl powcn, is thc warfarc of thc CI.IRISTLAN ldrlg of
Grear Britain. detcrmincd lo kcep op€n a markct whcrc MEN should bc bou!fit & sold. hc has prostituted his negarive lbr sup-
prcssing cvery lcgislalivc a&mpt 10 prchibit or to nrstrdin this cx€c,rble conrmercc and that rhis asscrnblage ofhorro{s might want
no lbcl of distinglishcd die, he is now cxciiing thosc vcry peopl€ to rise in arms aflong us, aod lo pLacbase that libeny ofwhich
,c ha.s dcprivcd tlrcm, by nurdering thc p!’oplc upon wlonl ,e also obtr ded tlcni Ilus paying off former crimes comrnitted
against thc tibcnics oione p€ople. with crirncs which hc urges them to commil agai$l thc ,ivci of.nolher

in cvcry sragc ofthese opprei\ions wc havc pclitioned for rcdrcss in lhc tnosl hunblc tcmlsi our ru?eat€d petitions have
bcln answcnd by rcT’ealed injury. a princc whosc character is thus ma.kcd by cvcry e.l whicli may dcfine a tyrant, is unfit to be
the ruler ola people who mean to t’c li!!. li{urc ages will scarcc bclic\c lidt thc ha’diness ol one mrn, adventur€d wirhin the short
comnpos$ of 12 yea6 only, on:$ nuny acls oftlranny withour a lll.slq ovcr.r pcoplc foslercd & fixed io pri ciples ofliberty.

Nor have we becn wanting h allcnlions to our British brclhrcn. wc havc wanred thcm from timc to timc ofattcmpb
by their legisl:turc to cxtcnd a jurisdiclion ovcr lhcsc our $alcs. wc havc rcmirdcd lhcm ofthe circumstuncc ofour cmi-
gration & slttlcmcnt hc{c. no onc ol’wiich could wlrfant so slrongc a prcLcnsion: dur rhcsc wcrc cfflctcd at rhc cxpcncc ol’
our own blood & trcasurc, onassisted by lhe wcalth or thc strcrBth ofcrcal llritain: rhat in constiruting indecd our scvcnl
forms of govemmcnt, wc h.:d adopted one common king, lhcrcby hying a foundali(nr for pcrpctual lcaguc & amity with
rhcm: but lhat subnission to thci parliament was no lnn ofour constilulion, nor cvcr nr idca, if history may bc c.cdilcd: and
wc appcalcd lo ihcir nativc justicc & magnrnimity, as wcll .|s to lhc tics ol our common kindrcd to disavow thcsc usurpations
which wcrc likcly ro intcrupt our conespondcnoc & conncctjon. lhcy too havc trcn deaf to lhc voicc ofjuslice & of con-
sanguinity, & whcn occasions have b€cn givcn thcm. by thc rcgular courrc ol thoir laws, of rcnoviflg ftom thcir councils thc
disturbers ofour harnony, they Mve by thcir frcc clcclion rc-cslablishcd thcm in powcr at fiis vcry timc too thcy arc pc.
mitting lheir chief magistrate to send ovcr not only soldicB of our co’nmon blood, bur Scotch & forcign mcrcenaries to
invnde & deluge us in blood- th€s€ facts hrvc givcn thc last stab to agonizing affcclion, and manly spirit bids us to renouoce
for €ver these urJ€eling brethrcn. wc musl cndcavor to forgct our former love lbr fiem, and to hold them as we hold lhe rest

en€mjes in war, in pc4cc fricnds. we ntight havc bccn a fr€€ & a great people logetheri but a communication of

grandew & of fteedom i! secms is bclow their digniry. bc it so, sincc they will h.rv€ ir rh€ road to glory & happin€ss is opcn
to us to; wc will climb it in a scpantc srate, and acq icrcc in lhc ncccsNity which pronounces our everlasiing Adieul

We therefo.c ihc reprcscnhfvcs ol lhe Unitd SrArLs ol Amcnca in Ceneml Corgress a.ssembled do, in the name & by
authority ofthe good pcoplc ofthcsc slales, reject and rcnouncc all allcgiancc & subject to the kings ofcreat Bitain & ali olhcrj
who nay bereafter claim by, through, or under them; wc uttcrly dissolvc & break off all political conrection wh;ch may havc
hcrctoforc suhsistcd bctwccn us & drc people of parli4mcnt of Orcat Britain; lud finally we do ass€n md declue tbesr colonics
1o bc litc and indcprndent statcs, tud drat as free & irrdcpcndcnt shtcs lhcy sh.l[ hcr€aliff have power to levy war, cmckrde F,’acc,
contrac! alimms, cstablish comnle|ce, & to do all othct aats lnd fiings whi€h indcpcndc satcs rnay ofright do. And for thc sup-
port of this d!’ciar”tion we mutualiy pledge to ca€h olhcf our lives, ow forttnes, & our sncrcd honour

1. What truths are undeniable according to Jeffarson? ldentify the course of action necessitated by the
denial of these truths. How do these idoas set the stage for the Revolution against Britain?

2. Summarize the facts set forth by Jefferson as evid€nce ol “a history of unremitting injuries”.
3. What complaints are leveled against the king in regard to slavery?
4. According to this document, what steps have been taken by the colonists to address their concerns

before this declaration ot independence? How have these attempts been answered by Brirain? What
is the final resolution of this document?

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Patt Five: The,Ame can Revolution

5-9 Rights of women in an Independent Republic

Abigail and John Adams had one of the most extraordinary partnerships of their {or any other) time. Two
powerful minds are revealed in their correspondence, and the influence ot Abigail Adams on her hus-
band is revealed in these letters. Arguably, the most important questions raised by the move for inde-
pendence was who should share in the newly posited treedoms. These letters illuminate this struggle
t h a t c o n t i n u e s t o t h i s d a y .

Abigoil Ad@s to Joh{ Adad.s, Bratutree, 3l March 1776

I iong to hear that yoll iave dcclarcd an independancy-and by ihe way in thc ncw Codc oflaws which I suppos€ it will
be necessary for you to lnake I dcsir€ you \ryould Rcmcmb€r the Ladies, and h) rnore gcnerous and thvouable lo them than
your ancestors. Do Dot put such mlimited pow€r into thc hands oflhc l{usbdnds. Rencmbcr alL Men would be tyra s if
thcy couid. Ifpe(iculiar care and atteniion is not paid $ lhe Laidics wc are detcnnincd 1() ibmcnt a Rcbclion, and will not
hold ouselves bound by any Laws h which ve havc no voice, or Rcpr€scnlalion.

That your Sex are Narumlly Tyrannical iB a Truih so thoroughly cslablisicd as lo admit ofno dispute, but such of
you as wish to b€ happy wiilingly give W the harslr titlc ofMaster lbr the morc icndcr and edcaring onc of Friend. why
thcn, not plrt it ollt of rhc pows of the vicious and thc Lawiess to use us with cruehy and irdignily with impunity. Men of
S€nse in aU Ages abhor thosc cusoms which trcat (N only as the vassals ofyour Sc\. Regard us then as Beings placed by
providcncc undcr your proleclion and in immitsiion ollhe Supr€ent Beiog make usc of that pow€r oniy for our happiness.

John AdaDr to Angail Adaes, Philadolphia 14 Aptil 1776

As to D€clarations oflndcpcndcncy. be paticni. Rcad our Privateering Lows, and our Conrncrcial Laws. Wlrat significs a

As to your cxtraordinary Cod€ ofLriws.l calmol but laugh. Wc havc becn told tha! oor Stftggle iis loosencd lhe
bands of covcmmcnt evcry whcre. Tiat Chiklrcn and Appr€ntices were disobedicnllhal schools and Coli€dges were
grown turbulcnr-that lndisns slightcd their Gurrdia.ns and Negroes grew insolcut to thcir Mastcrs. Bul your Letter was the
fiIst lnrimation that anothcr Tribc mor€ numcroL$ and poweful dral all the rcst wcrc grcwn disconteotcd.-This is rAth€t
too coarsc a Complimeni but you arc so saucy, I wofl blot it out.

Dcpcnd upon it, Wc lnow bettcr tlun 1l) rcpcal olll Masculine systenrs- Allho they arc foll Force, yoo know tley
arc litllc morc than Tleory. We dare ro1 cxcn our I’ow€r ir its lull t-atitude. We arc obliged ro go fait and softly, and in
Placrice you know we arc the subjccts. Wc have only thc Narne ofMaslers, and mlher lhan give up this, which would com-
pleatly subject Us !o th€ D€spotism oflhe Peticoat, I lope Ccncrd] Washinglon, and all o r brave ]lcroes wo$ld fight. I anr
sure every good Politician would plot as long as he would against Despotism, Empire, MoDarchy, Aristocracy, Oligarchy.
or Ochlocracy.-A fine Story indccd. I begin to thinl thc Minisby as dcep as they are wicked. Aftcr stirring up Torics,
Landjobbers, Trimmen!, Bigots, Canadians, tndians, Negruws. Ilanoverians, Hessians, Russians, lrish Roma. Catholicks.
Scotch Renegadoes, ar last thcy have stimulared the [illegiblc in originat] to dcnrand new Privilcdgcs md thrcatcn 10 i€bell.

Johr Adans to tohtr Sulivar , Phll,.&lphia” 26 May 176

It is certain Theory, thai the only moral Foundation ofcovemnent is the Consenl oI lhe People. But to wbrt an Extent
Shall we cafry $is Principle) ShaU wc Say, thal ev€ry tndividual ofrhe Conrm nity, old and young, male and fernale, as
well as rich and poor musr consent, cxprcssly |o every Act of Lcgislalion? No, you will Say. This is impossible. How then
does the Right arise in tlrc Majority to govem rhe Minority. against their Will’l Whence arises the Righi of the Men to
govem Women, wirhout their Conscni? WLence dre Right of thc old lo bind the Young, witbout theirs.

Bui let us 6rst Supposc. that the whole Comnurity ofevcry Agc. Rant, Sex, and CorditirJD. fias a Right to yotc.
This Community, is assemblcd-a Motion is made and canicd by a Maiorio/ of one Voice. The Minority will not agrec lo
this. Wbcnce drjses thc Righl oflhe Majority to govcm, and the Obligalion ofthe Minority to obcy? ftom Ncccssity, you
wili Say, b€oause iherc cm bc no other RuLe, But why cxclude Womcn? You will Say, becausc thcir Dclicacy rendcrs
them unfit for Pmcricc and Expcdence. in the great Business of Lifc, and the lardy Enrerprizcs of War, as wcll as the
arduous Cares of Statc. Bcsidcs, their attention is So much engaged wilh thc necessary Nuturc of thcir Childrcn, ihat
Nature has madc ihcm fifi€sr for domestic Carcs. And Chiidrcn have not Judgncnl or Will of thcir own. Tme. Bul will not
ihesc Reasons apply to oihers? ls it not equally tl!c, that Men in general in evcry Socicry, who 3re wholly deshnie oflrop-
cny, aird also 1oo litle acquahted with public Atrairs to form a Right Judgmenl, and too dependenr upon other Men to have
a will of fteir owr’? ]f this is a Fact, if you give to every Man, who has no Property, a Vole, will you nor make a fioe

couraging Provision for Corr-irprion by yout tundamental l.aw? Such is $e Frailg, of the human Heart, that very few

l < : ' >

Pan FivB: The Atneican Revolution

Men’ who have no Prop€rty, have my Judgmetrt of their own. They talk and vote as they ar€ directed by some Man of
Prop€rty, who has sttrah€d 6eir Minds to bis Interest.

Upon my Word. sir, I have long Oougbl an Arm, a piece ofclock Work and ro bc govcmed onty by principtes
and Marinls. as fixcd as snv in Mechanicts, and by a rhar I hav€ resd iD tbc History ofMankind, and in Aurhon, who
have Specolated uPon Socicty atrd Govemment I aln much inclidcd to rbitrk, a Covcrmncm musr rnanage I Society in the
Samc matrn.t; and rhal lhb is Machinery too.

Harington has Shcwn that Power always follows propcrty. This I bclievc to bc as infa[ibtc u Maxim, in potitics,
as, that Action snd Rcacrion arc equal, as in Mechanicks. Nly I bclieve we may advancc onc stcp fenhcr and afrrm that
t h e B a l l ‘ n c e o f P o w c r i n r s o c i e t y , a c c o m p m i e s t h e B a l l m c c o f p r o p e r t y i n L a . T l e o o l y p o s s i b l c w a y t h c n o f p r c –
serving the Ballance o[ Power or the sidc of cqua] Libcny and public Mrtu€, is to mak€ lhe Ac4uisirion of Land easv to
cv€ry Memb€r ofsocielv: ro make a Division ofthe Land inro small euantiries, so thar rhe Muirirudc |nay uc gx*cssca
of londed Estates. If the Mulritude is posscsscd of ihc Ballance of real Estat€, the Mulritude lliI havc thc B;llancc of
Power, and in lhat Case the Multitudc will takc Carc of thc Libcny, vinuc, and lDtere$ ofihe Multitudc in all Acrs ofcov-

| believe ihe$e Prirciples have bccn fcrr, if nol undcrsrood in the Massachuserrs Bay, riom rhc Bcginning: And

thcreforc I Should lhink ihat Wisdom arld Policy would dictsrc in rhcsc Trmcs. ro be very cauiious ot’makiDg Alic;liors.
our r’cople havc nev”. bcen very rigid in scrutinizing into rhe euarificarions of vote*, and r prcsumc rhcy wilr nol now
begio to bc so. Bur I would nor sdvise rhcm to

any .lterarion in rhc Laws, ar pres€n( respecring rhe e alificarions

of Votcrs,
Your rdca, thal rhosc Laws, which affect th€ r,ivcs and p€nonal Libcrty oflllr, or which inflicr corporoj punish,

,n”nr, alFcc! ihosc, who

not qualificd to vote, as well as those who arc, isjusr. Bur. so they do womcn, as wcll a! Mcn,
children rs wcll ss Adolrs. wbar Rcason shourd rhere bc, for cxcluding { Man of rweniy ycars, lrcvcn Monrhs and
twenly-s€vcu days ord. Iiom a vote when you ldmil on€, who is twenry onc? Thc Rcason is, you mu$ fix some pcriod in
Lif€, when rhe undcrslanding and wil ofM€D in 8cnerst is fir lo bc trusred by rhc pubtic. wi nor rhe same Reason jus-
tify lhe Stste in fixing upo Some ccrlain euantity of propcrty, ss I euatificarion.

Thc Same Rcasofing, which rrvitl inducc you to ldmil 0l] Men. who havc no propo,.ty, l{, votc, with those who
havc, for thorc Lrws. which affccr rhc pcrson will pruvc fiar you oughl to admit wom€n and childrcn: for gcnerally
spcating. women and chirdren, bavc as e.od Judgmcnr, ond as indcpendenr Minds as rhosc Mcn who are wnoiry aesi
tuic of Propcrty: th’ic hsr being ro all lnrcnts and purposcs as much dcpedcnr upon ortcrs, who rvil p1″… io r.”a,
cloath, and cmploy lhem. as Women arc upon rhcir Husbands. or Child.en on lhci. parc s.

As lo your ldm. or proponioning thc Votcs of Mcn in Money Matiers, lt) thc propcny lhcy hotd, ir is lnerly
ampmcticablc. Thcrc is no possibrc way of^sccrt’ining, al any onc Time, how much cvcry Msn in a communiry, is
wonh; and if thcrc was, so fluctuating is Trsdc and rropcrty, thar this statc of ir, woutd cha’gc m harf an Hour Thc
Prop€rty oftbc wholc Community, is ShiftiDg evcry Hour, ad no Rccord cm be kept ofthe Chanqcs.

. society can bc
govcmcd only by geneml Rulcs. covemmcnl canoot accommodate i$crf r;cvcry panicurur c!sc,

as il happem, nor to lhc circumstances ofpanicular Persons. lt musl osrablish g€n€ml, comprehctlsivc ircgularions for
cascs and Persons Thc only Question b, which generar Rulc, wi accommorrurc-mosr cases a.nd mosr persons.

Depend upon it. sir, it is daDg€rous ro open so fruitfur a sourcc ofcontroversy and Altercarion, as wourd bc
opcned by attempting to olter the Qualifications ofvolcr$. ‘l hcrc will be no End ofit. New Clairns will arise. wome will
dcmand a vorc. Ladi from 12 to 2r will think their Righls noi cnough afeoded io, and evcry Mrn, who has nol r Fanhing,
will dcmand an equar voice with aDy orher in a[ Acrs ofsralc. rl rcnds ro confound and de;n.oy alr Disrincrions and pro;
trarc all Rnnks, ro one common tevell. I am &c.

1. Examine and summsize the reasons given by John Adams for excluding womon and men w,thorrt
Property from voting?

2. ldenrify and explain John Adams, reasoning and plan tor ensuring that the multitud€ o, peopl€
Possoss tho balance of power.

3. what r€asoning do€s John Adams use to.argue against allowing all men, regardl€ss ot personal
property, to voto? Overall what are his opinions rogarding any c-hange in votir qualifications?

t a l f )

Part Six: Forging a Constitution

6-4 Henry Knox, Letter to George Washington h786)

Henry Knox was a good friend and trusted advisor of General and later President George Washington. As a
General in the colonial army. Knox was a sp6cialist in the utilization of artill€ry and his exploits become well
known. He later b€came the lirst Secr€tary ot War in Washington’s Cabinet. Their r€lationship is demonstrated
by this letter to Washington which gives Knox’s view of governfient in the wake of Shay’s Rebellion.

I have lateiy b€en far s$tward ofBoslor oD private business, und wa.s no srroner r€hun€d her€ than the commotions in Massa-
clDsetts lshay’s Rebellion] hltrried me back io Boslon on s public a.count.

our political ftichinc, coinposed of thirtccn indcpcrderl sovcrcigldcli have b€cn pcrpctually opclating agatrsr each
other and against thc liiffal head ever since thc pcacc. Thc poweE of Congress arE totoily inad€luate to Wscrve the balance
bctwecr thc rcs1,c’ctive States, and oblige thern to do dtosc things wbich are esserlial for thcir own wclliuE or for lhe geneml good.
Thc 6arnc ofrnind in r.bc local legislaturei seems to bc cxc(cd to pevent the fcdcral con$itution fmm having sny good e{cct. The
machinc wofts inve$ely to thc public guxj in all irs pais: not only is Slatc against Sr0tc. and all ag&inst thc fucl8l head, but the
Statcs withjn thcmselves poss€ss the name only widroul having the esrcntial concomilllnt ofgovcmmcnt, $c powcr ofF€scrving
drc pcac€,dle pmtection of the libeny dnd propciy of thc cilizens. On dle very lirsl impnr.ssion of faltion aDd liccntiousn€ss, the
fine rhcor€tic govsnmed ofMassachulclts has givetr way, and iLs hws [are] tanplcd undcr fool. Meo at a distancc, who have
admired our s’stems of govemrnent unfbunded in nature! arr apt to rccuse the rulcrs, and s8y that br.es have beeo assessed too
high and co ected too ngidly. This is I decc1ion equa! to any that fur been hi$eno enlerlained. Tbat hxes may tre the o6tensible
cause is true, but thal they are the truc causc is ff far rEmotc fiDm truth as light from dartqcss. The p€ople who are the insurEents
have never pnid ary or but very littlc toxcs. But they see th€ wealncss of govemmcntr thcy fecl at once thcir own poverty com-
paEd wift dle opulert, ,tnd their own forcc, ard lhey ar€ detcrmincd (o mak€ u.\€ ofthc latter in order to r€medy the former

‘1lle oecd i\ dnt lhc propcrty of tlle United St c.s ha.s b(t’n Fotcrtc{ fi$n the corfs.ations of Brihin by dFirini exer-
tiolts ofail, and thcrcfixc aught to bc dle comtrton Fofrrty ofdl; & hc fut a{cmpb oppGition lo 6is crEed is an cnemy to €quality
and justicc, and ought !o bc swcpt fiom tlte facc ofthc cjih. In a word. thcy arc dctcnnincd k’ dnnihilate all dct’ts public and pri-
vatc, lnd havc a$Erian laws, which are Etsily cmt1ql by thc mcans of unfundcd F+cr rr’ncn which shau bc I lcnder in dl cascs
whatcvca. Thc nunhcrs ofrhcsc people may amounl, in Massachusets. to onc-iiffh Fur ofscverdl ppulous aounFiesi and io them
rnay bc addcd rhc pcQlc ofsimilar sentiments liom lhc Sratcs of Rhodc Islarxl. Connedil’tlt, and New Hamp6hift’. so ds to consti-
tuic a body ofrwclvc or fiRecn dDusand despcmtc ,rxl unprinciplcd mcn. Thcy nrc chicfly ofrhc young and activc pan ofdtc oom-
munity, fiiorc casily collectcd than kept logcdtcr ancil€rds. Bul they willpmbobly llmmit ovcn acrs ofEsrsor! whicn willq)mpcl
d|cln lo cmbody for $eir own safety. On c cmbodied dLf will be consuaincd to submit io disliplinc for rhc samc rsnsoo.

Having proce€ded to this lcnglh for which ttrry are now ripe, wc shall havc a fo.midablc .cb.llion agairlsr iraspn, rhc
pdnciple ofall govemment, ar ogainst thc vcry name of liky.

This dreidtul sinurion, for which our Sovemment have rnade no ad€qualc pmviqion, hlr alanned cvcry man ofprinciplc
and pmpcrty in Ncw England- Thcy $an as fiDm a drerm, ard a-\k what can hav€ bccn thc causc ol our delusion? Whar is to give
l|.\ s€cudty against the violcncc of lawlcss men? Our govemrnent mt6l be bmc€{, changed, or allered lo secure our lives and
plopcny. W€ imagincd that thc mildncss ol our govemmenl ard thc wishes oftfte p€oplc wcre so con€spondena that we were not
as othcr nations, rcquiring brutal force ro suppon $e laws.

But we 6nd lhat wc arc men,”aciral men, fx}*essing all thc turbulent palsions b€longing lo dnt anirnaL arld lhat we mrl.d
havc a govcmrcnt Foper and ad€quaE fur him.

Thc pcoplc ofMassachusens, for instancc, arc far advaDced in this doclxine, and the rnen ofproperty and the men ofsla
tion ard pdociple there ar€ determined to cndcavour to cstoblish and protcct thcm in their lawful pulsuitq an4 whal will bc cffi-
cienl in all cases ofiDternal conmotions or forcign invasion!, thcy mcan that liberty shall form tbe basis,liberty r€s{rlting Fom an
equal and ffml administration of law.

They wish for a geoeral govcmmcnt of unity, as they s€e that the locsl lcgishturcs mus:l natui ly and nc!:essarily tod
to retard the g€neml gov€nment. we havc anivcd at $at point of time in which wo ltrc forccd !o sL\: our own humiliation, as a
nation, and that a prcgession in lhis linc oadot be a productive ofhappioess, privatc or public. Something h wanting, and some-
thing must be done, or we shall be involvcd in all the honor of fuilure, fid civil war without a prosp.rct of its tcrmination. Every
liiend to dle lib€rty ofhis country is bound !o rellect, and srtep for1llrd to pleven! the drcadnrl conscqucmes rdich shall r€$lt fiom
a govemment of€venB. Unless ihis is donc, we shalL be liable lo bc ruled by an athi!”ry and capricious armed tmmy, whose word
?ud will must be law

Explain Knox’s concerns regarding th€ etfect of stste local legislatures working in opposition to Congress?
W h a t b e l i e f s ( a l t h o u g h h e l d b y a ” d e s p 6 r a t e 6 n d u n p r i n c i p l e d ” m i n o r i t y i s t a n d a s a t h r e a t t o t h o s e
that own property in America? What does Knox suggest is necessary to alleviate this threat of
r e b e l l i o n ? W h a t d o e s K n o x s u g g e s t w o u l d b e t h € u l t i m a t e o u t c o m e i f t h i s s i t u a t i o n i s n o t

1 .
2 .

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